1920’s
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From Danny’s Files: Robert Hamilton Edwards, Esq. (c. 1872-1932) & The Freeman’s Journal
It is common to come across unusual items in Danny Dowling (1927-2021) voluminous collection. This past week we discovered in the back of a drawer several folders of documents regarding Robert Hamilton Edwards, Esq. (c. 1872-1932). We could not find any link to Glenmore except the documents have been preserved in Danny’s collection. The most unusual item was an envelope containing a medical report and two x-rays from 1908. These x-rays were taken by Dr. William Ironside Bruce (1876-1921) an early radiologist who died young from exposure to his work. King George in 1921 publicly expressed sympathy at Bruce’s death (North Star & Farmer’s Chronicle, Sat. 2 April 1921, p. 8). Dr. Ironside Bruce’s widow, Violet, survived him by 39 years dying in 1960 (Middlesex Independent (Fri. 9 Sept. 1960, p. 7). Danny may have collected the Hamilton Edwards’ files because of his association with the demise of The Freeman’s Journal.
Early X-Rays
X-rays were discovered in 1895 with the first x-rays in Britain being made in 1896. From the typed report and the envelope containing the x-rays we know that “Mrs. Hamilton Edwards of Wenbley Orchard Wembley, Middlesex,” was the patient. For a concise article on the history of x-rays see, the British Society for the History of Radiology, “X-Rays in Medicine: The First Century.” For further information on Dr. William Ironside Bruce (1876 -1921) of Charing Cross Hospital, London, see, Dr. Adrian Thomas, Chairman of the International Society for the History of Radiology, (2021) “Ironside Bruce and the Sacrifices Made by the Early X-Ray Martyrs.”
The Patient
In 1898, Robert Hamilton Edwards married Marjorie L. W. Alexandersen (c. 1868). Thus the 1908 x-rays belonged to Marjorie. Per the 1901 Census the couple were living at Hertfordshire, Harpenden. Robert was 29 working in journalism. He reported being born in St. Pancreas, Middlesex. His wife Marjorie was 33 and was born in Leicester, Market Harborough. While little could be found in a quick search regarding the private life of the couple, Robert Hamilton Edwards became famous due to some Irish business dealings.
The Report is typed, dated 17 March 1908 and signed W. Ironside Bruce, M.D. He found that there was a fracture of the ulna, the radius and the metacarpal bone of the index finger. The two photographs of the x-rays are on green card stock with the “Case of Mrs. Hamilton Edwards” written in the upper right corner of the card stock. At the bottom of the cardstock is written “With Dr. Ironside Bruce’s Compliments.”
The Freeman’s Journal
The Freeman’s Journal was the first national newspaper published in Ireland. It was in production from 1763 to 1924. See, Felix M. Larkin (2006) “A Great Daily Organ: The Freeman’s Journal, 1763-1924” 3(14) History Ireland website.
About 1919, the Freeman’s Journal became a two man company. The only shareholders and directors were Hamilton Edwards and Martin Fitzgerald. The commercial or business side of the management of the undertaking was in the hands of Hamilton Edwards and running of the newspaper and its policy were, for convenience, entrusted to Martin Fitzgerald who lived in Dublin (Irish Independent, Tues. 31 Oct. 1922, p. 5). Martin Fitzgerald was a wealthy Dublin wine merchant and Robert Hamilton Edwards was a well-known Fleet Street personality and formerly the managing director of the Amalgamated Press.
In 1919, the authorities raided the offices of The Freeman’s Journal. Hamilton Edwards proclaimed that “this was the greatest abuse of authority yet perpetrated on the Press of Ireland and the proper Freedom of the Newspaper was non-existent, at any rate in Dublin.” (Freeman’s Journal, Tues. 15 Dec. 1919, p. 9).
Six charges were brought under the Restoration of Order in Ireland Regulations against Fitzgerald and Hamilton Edwards for publishing statements likely to cause disaffection. In late November and early December 1920 they were Court Martialled. The Military Court found the two defendants not guilty to charges, 2, 4, 5 and 6. However, the defendants were informed by the court that they were being conveyed to Mountjoy Prison for charges 1 & 3. Prior to said time they were never arrested and attended their trial without any issues (Irish Independent Tues. 31 Oct. 1922, p. 5).
Per Hamilton Edwards’ obituary, the men were sentenced to six month’s imprisonment. “This action of the military authorities, and the sentence, provoked great resentment in England. Questions were asked in Parliament, and within a few days the British Government ordered the immediate release of the men” (Belfast Telegraph, Mon. 6 June 1932, p. 5).
Civil Cases
Reading the 1932 obituary for Hamilton Edwards’ it appeared this was the end of the Freeman’s Journal saga. However, on 12 May 1920 Robert Hamilton Edwards signed four contracts for the delivery of 7,800 tons of paper at the price of £429,528. At the time of the signing of the contracts, they were only using 15 to 29 tons of paper a week. The purchase price was four times the nominal capital and eight times the actual issued capital of the company. Martin Fitzgerald did not learn of the four contracts signed by Hamilton Edwards until both men were in Mountjoy Prison in July 1920 (Irish Independent, Tues. 31 Oct. 1922, p. 5).
A judgment was entered against the two men and Fitzgerald argued that Hamilton Edwards had signed without authority. On appeal when the judge asked where Hamilton Edwards was it was stated that he was not available. Hamilton Edwards was in Justice Pinn’s Court and had not yet been discharged from it. He had been declared bankrupt (Irish Independent, Tues. 31 Oct. 1922, p. 5).
The last edition of the Freeman’s Journal was published in January 1924. It was sold to its rival the Irish Independent. In 1925, details of the Hamilton Edwards’ bankruptcy were published. It was reported that his total liabilities amounted to £13,576. A dividend of 6s. 8.d on the £ was ordered to be paid to his creditors (Irish Examiner, Sat. 25 July 1925, p. 11).
Obituary
The Belfast Telegraph (Mon. 6 June 1932, p. 5) published an obituary for Hamilton Edwards that did not mention his civil cases or bankruptcy.
A former well-known personality in Fleet Street, Mr. Robert Hamilton Edwards, at one time managing director of the Amalgamated Press, died suddenly, aged 60, in the West End of London.
The son of Mr. John Edwards of Oswestry and London, Mr. Edwards was educated privately. Following an early teaching in financial journalism and on the staff of the late Sir George Newnes, he was for 20 years associated with the late Lord Northcliffe in the publication of “Answers” and other publications now issued from Fleetway Houses. Later Mr. Edwards became interested with Mr. Martin Fitzgerald in the direction of the Dublin Freeman’s Journal, on which he spent a large sum of money.
During the Irish troubles in 1920 both he and Mr. Fitzgerald were before a military court martial in Dublin and accused of publishing statements likely to cause disaffection. They were sentenced to six month’s imprisonment. This action of the military authorities, and the sentence, provoked great resentment in England. Questions were asked in Parliament, and within a few days the British Government order the immediate release of the men.
Latterly Mr. Edwards had been living for a great deal of his time in Paris. He was at one time the owner of a number of racehorses and had many interests. Mr. Edwards was largely interested in the land question, and had done much to assist in the development of small ownership.
Please send any corrections, additional information or photographs to glenmore.history@gmail.com .
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Kate Raftice née Gahan (1854-1925) of Rochestown, Glenmore
Today, we feature a woman who died in 1925 and is still spoken about among the older Glenmore residents. Kate or Kit Raftice, as she was known, had and has the reputation of having been a very difficult woman. In a time when men, particularly the eldest son inherited the farm, she obtained the family farm over her brothers. She is reported to have had a young man working on her farm who died from ringworm. Her husband of only a few years was dead in the house, and she never told his brother who came to cut the corn that he was dead. She put a curse on her neighbour who was married to her cousin or niece. Kate Raftis died a horrible death in 1925 and that is our starting point.
Horrible Death in Rochestown, Glenmore
At about 11in the morning on Saturday the 19th of December 1925, John Murphy, a labourer, called to Kate Raftice’s home in Rochestown. It was reported in the Cork Examiner that Kate Raftice was a 70 year-old widow who lived alone on her 50 acre farm. John Murphy found Kate Raftice unconscious. She suffered terrible burns on her head, face and body. “Her features were almost unrecognisable.” It was opined that she fell into her open fire and “being very feeble” she was “unable to render herself any assistance.” She died within an hour of being found (Cork Examiner, Tues. 22 Dec. 1925, p. 7). Her death was widely reported in other Irish newspapers including Irish Independent (Tues. 22 Dec. 1925, p. 8).
Dr. Denis J. Walsh, of Graigenamanagh, in 1925 was the Coroner for South Kilkenny. Dr. Walsh decided that an inquest was not necessary (Irish Times, Sat. 26 Dec. 1925, p. 6). While a Coroner was not required to hold an inquest, the Coroner did have to hold an inquiry. At an inquiry a Coroner had to listen to or read the evidence the police provided (Dr. Ian Walsh, BL (2026)). Dr. Walsh apparently was satisfied that there was nothing suspicious and issued the death certificate for Kate Raftice.
A death was recorded in the Registrar for Kate Raftice. However, her death is incorrectly recorded as 19 December 1926. It is stated that she died of shock four hours after suffering extensive burns. Her age at death was recorded as 65. Her brother-in-law Edward Phelan of 24 John’s St., Waterford is recorded as being present when she died. There was no electricity or telephone in the Raftice home. It is assumed that the nearest telephone was at the Aylwardstown train station. If not, John Murphy had to go to the Gardai barracks in Glenmore Village. It is difficult to see how Edward Phelan was present by noon when Kate Raftice died.
In examining the death register it appears that the date may have originally been recorded as 1925 but the 5 in the entry was overwritten as a 6. The death was recorded on the 14th of May 1926 (7 months before the recorded date of death) which should have alerted the clerk that the correct year of death was 1925.
According to the Annual Report of the Registrar-General of Marriages, Births and Deaths 1925 for Saorstát Éireann (p. xxiii) there were 149 deaths in Ireland in 1925 caused from burns and scalds. This number reflects 65 males and 84 females. Of the 149 deaths 88 were children under 5 years of age. Unfortunately, the number of deaths due to burns and scalds of elderly persons is not recorded. See page 33 for the statistics dealing with County Kilkenny deaths.
The Husband, John Raftice (1862-1905)
John Raftice was a native of Davidstown, Glenmore. As a young man he went to California. He worked in a remote area and saved his money. John Raftice returned to Ireland, and on 17 February 1900 married Kate Gahan of Rochestown. The groom’s father was Robert “Robin” Raftice (c. 1826-1908) (farmer) and the bride’s father was Joseph Gahan (c. 1809-1891)(deceased farmer). (See our post of 4 March 2024 for details regarding John Raftice in California.)
1901 Census
Successive searches have not revealed a record or obituary reflecting when John Raftice died. He was married in 1900 and is present in the 1901 Census living in Rochestown. His age is recorded in the 1901 Census as 36. Kate is recorded as being 30 and her sister Ellen Gahan is 26 years of age. Also present in the house is a 12 year-old boy named Richard Dwyer.
Richard Dwyer (b.c. 1889)
In the 1901 Census Richard Dwyer was recorded as being born in Waterford, and he is listed as being a servant. No record could be located for Richard Dwyer born in Waterford circa 1889.
In 1958, Ned Roche of Rathinure told Statia Walsh née Kennedy that a young fellow died of ringworm at Kit Raftice’s. Was Richard Dwyer the young man who died of ringworm? We searched death records to no avail. Checking the 1911 Census Richard was no longer in Rochestown. However, we found a Richard Dwyer aged 22 living with the Wallace family in Ballyhack, Wexford as their servant. However this Richard Dwyer is recorded as having been born in Wexford.
Death of John Raftice
John Raftice is not found in the 1911 Census. The only clue we have as to when John Raftice died was provided by Danny Dowling (1927-2021). Danny copied the diary of James Aylward of Ballyhobuck, Glenmore. In his diary James Aylward recorded local deaths, births and marriages. James Aylward recorded that John Raftice died in September 1905. Rochestown is near Ballyhobuck. Even armed with a month and year of death we were unable to locate a death record for John Raftice. Using the death date of another Glenmore resident that died in 1905 we learned that this other person’s record is unavailable because there are quality issues with the original. We have sought further clarification.
The Gahan Family of Rochestown, Glenmore
Finding a baptismal record for Kate Raftice née Gahan was problematic. Every record provided a different year of birth. Thanks to Danny Dowling’s (1927-2021) interview of Nicky “the Miller” Forristal in 1969 we have quite a bit of information concerning Kate’s siblings and of course we then obtained her mother’s maiden name. The original interview of Nicky the Miller Forristal can be viewed on our G surname page under Richard Gahan.
Joseph Gehan (sic) (c. 1809-1891) married on 15 February 1844, in Mullinavat, to Bridget Bourke (c. 1822-1896) of Ballynacooly. The couple resided in Rochestown, Glenmore and had at least 9 children.
[1] Richard Gahan (1845-1927) of Scart, Glenmore, in 1908 married Anastatia Grace of Listerlin. He was over 60 when he married. The fathers of the bride and groom were Joseph Gahan (deceased farmer) and Patrick Grace (farmer). The couple lived in Listerlin and had at least two daughters (1a) Bridget Gahan born in 1909 and (1b) Ellen Gahan born in 1910.
[2] Walter Gahan (1846-1904) Never married.
[3] Mary Gahan b. 1848;
[4] Thomas Gahan b. 1852;
[5] Catherine Gahan b. 1854 to James (sic) Gahan & Bridget Rurk (sic) of Rochestown, Glenmore
[6] Bridget Gahan (1857-? ) married Edward Phelan of John St., Waterford, on 30 September 1900. She was residing on Beau St., and her father was Joseph Gahan, farmer. Her sister Ellie Gahan was the maid of honour. They were married in Waterford City.
[7] Johanna Gahan (1859-1882) Never married.
[8] Michael Gahan (1862-1892) died in Australia per the family headstone.
[9] Ellen Gahan (1864- ?) married her widowed brother-in-law Edward Phelan, publican of John St., Waterford, on 1 September 1908 at Mount Melleray, Waterford. Strangely in the 1911 Census Edward Phelan stated he was a widower and that Ellen Gahan was his sister-in-law not his wife of 3 years.
In the interview Nicky the Miller while discussing the Gahan siblings also listed Joseph Gahan who married a Fitzgerald of Moulerstown. The couple only had one child Ellen Gahan (c. 1884-1965) who was called Clara. Ellen Gahan (c. 1884-1965) married Laurence Walsh (1881-1959) of Smithstown, Tulloagher. The couple farmed in Rochestown. We could not find a baptismal record for Joseph Gahan, the son of Joseph Gahan and Bridget Bourke. Was Thomas Gahan (b. 1845) called Joseph perhaps? Neither name is reflected on the family headstone.
The Rochestown, Glenmore Farm
No Glenmore story involving a farm would be complete without accounting for the farm. Kate Raftice had no children and after her death arrangements were made to sell the farm. Thomas Walsh and Son, auctioneers, sold the Rochestown farm “containing 62 acres S.M., subject to £27 1/4 per annum. The auction was by directions of the executor of the late Mrs. Kate Raftice. The bidding was brisk. Mr. C. Quinlan, solicitor, Waterford, was declared the purchaser in trust for 825 guineas. Messrs P.A. Murphy and Co., Solicitors, Waterford, had carriage of sale. Immediately after the sale of the farm the cattle, horses, crops and farm implements were disposed of at satisfactory prices” (Waterford News & Star, 26 Feb 1926 p. 5).
A guinea was 21 shillings, so the farm sold for £866 5s or just short of £14 per acre. Ironically, it is reported that the land was purchased by the man upon which Kate Raftice placed a curse, Larry Walsh (c. 1884-1959) of Rochestown. Larry or Laurence Walsh was the father of Glenmore character Martin Walsh (1918-1996). See our post of 31 December 2023 regarding Martin Walsh.
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Special thanks to legal historian Dr. Ian Walsh, BL for explaining the Coroner issues.
If you have any additional information, corrections or photos etc. please email glenmore.history@gmail.com .
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Glenmore 1924: Hanrahan Wedding Photo
The above photo may be found in the Poole Collection of the National Archives. Poole was a Waterford photographer and his negatives are now housed in the National Archives. There are a couple hundred Glenmore photos within the collection. The National Archive records do not identify the year this photo was taken, and simply notes the customer was Mr. Hanrahan of Glenmore.
The Photo
The above photo was taken to commemorate the 12 February 1924 wedding of Patrick Hanrahan (1886-1957) shopkeeper of Glenmore and Mary Duggan (1892-1989) schoolteacher of Flemingstown, Glenmore. Richard Hanrahan, a grandson of the happy couple, confirmed last week that a copy of the photo still hangs in the Hanrahan home in Glenmore. He was able with the help of his mother, Kathleen Hanrahan, to identify most of the people in the photo.
Front row (seated, left to right) Richard Duggan (1894-1984) ; Margaret “Agnes” Quirke née Duggan (1896-?) (Maid of Honour); Mary “Dodie” Hanrahan née Duggan (1892-1989) (bride); James “Jimmy” Hanrahan (1891-1977) (Best Man)
Back row (standing, left to right) Unknown ?; Unknown ?; Mullins?; Patrick “Pat” Hanrahan (1886-1957) (Groom); unknown ; Catherine “Lena” Connolly née Duggan (1891-1969) ; Richard “Dick” Hanrahan (1892-1975). (It is believed that some of the unidentified people may have been Mullins relations.)
Parents & Siblings of the groom: Patrick Hanrahan (1886-1956)
Patrick Hanrahan was the eldest child of Michael Hanrahan and his wife Hanoria Mullins of Gaulstown, Glenmore. Michael Hanrahan was from Powerswood, Thomastown and the couple married at Glenmore, on 23 July 1885. Michael was the son of Patrick Hanrahan (farmer) and Hanoria was the daughter of Nicholas Mullins (farmer) and his wife Mary Mackey. Hanoria Mullins was baptized in Glenmore on 16 Dec. 1854. Michael Hanrahan died in 1898 and his widow died in 1902. They both died of T.B.
At least 7 children were born to Michael Hanrahan and his wife, Hanoria Mullins.
[1] Patrick Hanrahan (1886-1957) the groom in the 1924 wedding photo.
(2) Nicholas Hanrahan (1887-1918) died in Gaulstown, Glenmore during the flu epidemic.
(3) Michael Hanrahan (1888-1968) Emigrated to the U.S. in 1911 or 1912. He lived in New York, married in 1922 and raised a family.
(4) Ellen Hanrahan (bapt. 16 Feb. 1890-died young)
(5) James Hanrahan (1891-1977) was the best man when his brother Patrick married in 1924. Jimmy had a pub and shop in New Ross, married, and raised a family.
(6) Richard Hanrahan (1892-1975) had a draper business in New Ross across the street from his brother Jimmy’s business. Richard Hanrahan married and raised a family.
(7) John Hanrahan (1894-1980) Emigrated to the US before 1910 and went to his Uncle Tom Mullins in New York. John married about 1922 and raised a family.
When her husband died Hanoria moved her six sons from Waterford to Glenmore. The boys were raised by two sets of relatives after their mother’s death. Tragically, Nicholas Hanrahan died in the 1918 flu epidemic. Thus, at the time of the 1924 Glenmore wedding only 5 brothers were alive. Three are depicted in the photo and the other two had emigrated to the U.S. We could not locate any travel records that indicated that either Michael or John Hanrahan returned to Ireland for their brother Patrick’s wedding in 1924.
Parents & Siblings of the bride: Mary “Dodie” Hanrahan née Duggan (1892-1989)
The bride’s parents were Richard Duggan and Anne Butler. Richard Duggan (c. 1867-1956) (tradesman) of Kilbride, at the age of 23, married Anne Butler, of Flemingstown, on 12 November 1890 at Glenmore. Richard Duggan’s (c. 1867-1956) father was Richard Duggan of Kilbride. The father of Anne Butler of Flemingstown was Thomas Butler (farmer & tradesman). Four children were born to Richard Duggan (c. 1867-1956) and his wife Anne Butler. Three daughters and one son. What is striking about the Duggan sisters is that they all had nicknames.
[1] Catherine “Lena” Duggan (b. 11 Sept. 1891). Lena became a nurse and on 23 November 1926 at Faithleg, Waterford she married Michael Connolly (labourer). Her sister “M. Agnes Duggan” was her maid of honour. The couple resided in Slieverue and had a family. Lena died in 1969, and her husband died in 1973.
[2 ] Mary “Dodie” Duggan (b. 14 Aug. 1892) at Flemingstown. Her birth cert. notes that her father Richard Duggan was a shoemaker. Mary became a schoolteacher and after her marriage to Patrick Hanrahan helped run the Hanrahan shop in Glenmore Village. The couple were married for 33 years and raised a family. Mary died in 1989. She survived her husband by 32 years.
[3] Richard Duggan (b. 12 Dec. 1894) married and remained on the Duggan farm in Flemingstown. Richard farmed and was also a Rate Collector. He and his wife raised a large family. He died a widower on Christmas Day 1984.
[4] Margaret “Aggie” Duggan (b. 22 June 1896). Aggie married a man named Quirke and they resided in Clonmel per her brother Richard’s obituary. Aggie died prior to 1984.
For an account of the early life of the 5 orphaned Hanrahan Brothers see our post of 6 Dec. 2020.
See our H Glenmore Family page for obituaries etc. of the Hanrahan family.
See our D Glenmore Family page for obituaries etc. of the Duggan family.
Please send any additional information (such as the names of the 3 people standing on the left of the photo) or corrections to glenmore.history@gmail.com
Special thanks to Veronica for reminding me of the photo and to Richard and his mother Kathleen Hanrahan who identified most of the persons depicted in the photo. .
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh.
Glenmore and The Black and Tans: Michael Heffernan (1878-1951)
Today, we are going to highlight the experiences of one shop keeper in Glenmore during the War of Independence (1919-1921) and the Black and Tans. The War of Independence in Ireland commenced in 1919 and the British Government responded in January 1920 by seeking to reinforce the RIC (Royal Irish Constabulary) by hiring and sending unemployed former British WWI soldiers to Ireland. With minimal training in policing these recruits were violent and their treatment of the civilian population made them the best recruitment device for the old Irish Republican Army.
Michael Heffernan (1878-1951) was the son of a retired RIC sergeant Michael Heffernan (c. 1839-1914). After his retirement from the RIC, Michael Heffernan (c. 1839-1914) opened a shop in Glenmore Village on the Cappagh Road in the building adjacent to his home. Three generations of the Heffernan family operated the shop. The last Heffernan to operate the shop was Eily Heffernan (c. 1923-2003) (Michael’s daughter) who kept it open until her death. After her death it remained a shop for a short while, but later it became a chipper. As the Village continued to decline the chipper closed, and the building has sat empty now for several years. Currently fundraising and efforts have been made to re-open the old shop as a tea room/shop.
Michael Heffernan’s 1938 Letter
On 1 February 1938, Michael Heffernan (1878-1951) wrote a letter to support his nephew, Cornelius F. McLoughlin’s (1897-1967) application to have his service during the War of Independence recognised. In 1938, Michael Heffernan was a Peace Commissioner. Although the letter was meant to discuss his nephew’s work during the War of Independence the letter provides details regarding the activities of the Black and Tans in Glenmore Village. For information concerning Captain Cornelius F. McLoughlin (1897-1967) see our posts of 26 May 2025 and 2 June 2025.
Michael noted that “whenever anything happened in the locality, our house seemed to come in for attention.” Michael referred to the Black and Tans as raiders and stated that he was not always sure whether the armed men who appeared in Glenmore were Auxiliaries or Black and Tans. He reported little difference in the attitude of these men. Their main difference was that they wore different caps. “They were often in drink, and looking for drink.” One evening one was very drunk and pointing his rifle at various buildings along the street. (Heffernan letter, p. 4). At the time of the Black and Tans, Glenmore was a dry parish and this probably did not help relations between the drink seeking soldiers and the civilians of the parish.
In his five page typewritten letter Michael listed a dozen events involving the Black and Tans in Glenmore. “During the Black and Tan period we were raided several times, and at different hours. Nothing was found with us, and no one was caught in our house, although for months we kept a door to our yard to which our neighbour, Jim Walsh, then on the run, had easy access, so that he might pass through and lock it after him to delay pursuit in emergency. Only a person with an intimate knowledge of the place could know of this door.” (Heffernan letter p. 2).
Hiding Ammunition for the Irish Volunteers
During one raid the bullets he was storing for his nephew, Cornelius McLoughlin were not discovered. During another raid bayonets were put through a small paper bag of feathers that were being saved to make a pillow. The same day his wife’s prayers in Irish “came in for great attention.” (Heffernan letter, p. 2).
In what Michael described as a “narrow shave” his employee Molly Walsh saw the Black and Tans in the Village and rushed home and returned with a bandolier under her apron. Her brother, Jim Walsh, was an active volunteer. When Molly showed Michael the bandolier and he told her to take it away. She had intended to hide it in a small room off the shop. She grabbed a bucket and took the bandolier still hidden under her apron to the well in Ryan’s Marsh where she hid her brother’s ammunition. The Walsh house was not searched that day, but the Heffernan shop was. (Heffernan letter, p. 3).
Rounding Up of Glenmore Men
Michael recalled that the day after a hold-up on the railway by volunteers, he was raided again. “At four o’clock in the morning I was taken out to Fluskey’s corner where our hands were all examined; and we heard afterwards that this was because they were seeking a man with a finger missing. There were about 12 to 14 of us taken out that morning. That was the morning that Jim Fluskey (1882-1960) was very slow in answering and when at last he appeared fully dressed, he had a lighted candle in his hand, and we all, raiders included, thought that very funny.” (Heffernan letter, p. 2).
Michael named the following men who were pulled from their beds that morning. John Brennan, Ned Doolan, Jim the Weaver (pronounced locally as “Waver”) whose real name was Walsh, James Walsh, the carpenter; Jack Scanlan, George Jones, senior; Johnny Cody and J.K. Walsh (Michael’s brother-in-law). (Heffernan letter p. 3). For further details regarding Jim the Weaver Walsh, see our post of 19 May 2025.
On another date Michael was brought to the creamery and held there long after dark. He and others were forced to push a lorry up the Vee Road. “Fr. Bergin was hunted home that evening after being brought out to push the lorry. They were very excited, nervous and abusive that evening.” (Heffernan letter. P. 3).
Michael was brought to the chapel another evening and held against the wall. Michael spoke to the Captain about the fact that his wife was not home and four small children were alone in the house. The Captain told him at the house that he must go to the chapel. After some time Michael reminded the Captain of his unattended young children and was told by the Captain to slip away quietly down the hill. Michael was instructed not to look back as his men were out of control. Michael noted that they were very rough that evening and threatening. He did not record his thoughts as he quietly slipped away and walked down the long hill toward his home. (Heffernan letter, p. 3).
Interrogations
One morning Michael opened the shop door and saw Bill Purcell. Bill was working with Jimmy Hanrahan at that time. He was rushing back from the marsh at Cappagh where he had apparently put out the cows. As Bill ran he called out that lorries of Black and Tans were coming down the hill by the Churns. Michael went back inside and was just lighting the fire in the kitchen when the Black and Tans entered. They were very excited and demanded where the man was who just ran in. Michael told them that he had just gotten up to open the shop and that no man had come in. After some hesitation they appeared to accept his statement and left. When Michael next saw Bill Purcell he told Bill he had a “narrow shave.” The Black and Tans apparently lost sight of Bill while passing Fluskey’s shed and the carpenter’s house [where the Glen Bar is now]. This gave Bill a chance to race up Merrigan’s lane behind Patsey Ryan’s house. When Bill reached the high ground above the Village he waited until he saw the Black and Tans leaving. (Heffernan letter, p. 3).
After the breaking of the bridge at Main Roche’s, Cappagh, the Bklack and Tans visited Michael at 11 o’clock at night. They battered at the door and knocked out the key. This occasioned delay in opening as Michael had to search amongst bags of flour in the shop. They were impatient and when at last Michael opened the door he saw the whole street full of armed men. Half a dozen or so entered and questioned Michael about the broken bridge and his movements that night. (Heffernan letter, p. 3).
His wife brought home a small flashlamp from Waterford. Their eldest son, Paddy was about 7 or 8. That night the Black and Tans came down from the New Line [now the N 25 overlooking the Village] . They demanded to know who was signalling with a flash lamp from the Heffernan home. Michael explained that the children were playing with it, and the Tans went away apparently satisfied. (Heffernan letter, p. 4).
Destruction of Property
Although his home and store were subject to searches by the Black and Tans Michael did not record in his letter that his property was damaged by the Black and Tans except for his bee hives. On the high ground behind the Village Michael kept 40 beehives. The bee hives were searched by the Black and Tans and two or three were tumbled down the hill. The combs were broken and the bees perished. (Heffernan letter, p. 4).
On the Road to Waterford
One day after driving to Waterford for a load of meal, on the Waterford side of Carriganurra, before Denn’s of the Spa (pronounced as Spaw) three lorry loads of Black and Tans passed Curraghnore Lane. Michael paid no attention to them as they passed him and jogged along with his empty bags. Just beyond Denn’s Michael observed three Black and Tans who had left one of the lorries. They were standing on the roadside at his left with rifles resting on the ditch and pointed to cover Curraghnore Lane which led to the railway. It struck Michael that if he had attempted to turn down the lane the motion would have caused suspicion and perhaps drawn fire. Shortly after passing the lane the three lorries again passed Michael. Michael reached Waterford, and got back safely with his load of meal. (Heffernan letter, p. 4).
Michael also stated that “his man” Georgie Jones of the Village was stopped on the Waterford Road. The horse drawn car was searched and a parcel of school books, which were being returned, was closely examined for messages. (Heffernan letter, p. 4).
Michal Heffernan’s Long Glenmore Run
One Sunday in June 1921 Michael was a bit late for Mass. His wife was home ill. He found a crowd in the porch and went to the Sacrristy. As he was listening to Mass from the Sacristy, Pat Grant of Robinstown entered and said that the Black and Tans were on the New Line [N 25 overlooking the Village] and others had taken up positions in Fluskey’s field with mounted machine guns. Others were advancing toward the Chapel. “Pat said he would hook it and left in great excitement.” It dawned on Michael that as the only man in the Sacristy he would look suspicious and would find it difficult to explain his position although it was the custom of people to hear Mass from the Sacristy.
Michael thought it wise to leave quickly and ran after Pat Grant. They headed for the stile in the upper inside corner of the churchyard and crossed over to the Mass path under the high churchyard wall in Forristal’s field. Michael ran about 50 yards and crossed another ditch into a lane which was also known as the Mass Path fields which led down beside the Barracks and onto the Mill Road. Michael was running hard. (Heffernan letter, p. 4).
Michael jumped onto the Mill Road and “faced for Ballybrahee, bending low and keeping in the shelter of the hedges.” Just as Michael turned the next bend in the road, approaching John Condon’s and passing Jim Hanrahan’s field he heard a series of distant explosions which he took to be machine gun fire. Boughs from bushes fell down in front of Michael. Michael was staggered somewhat and nearly fell. He continued to run towards Ballybrahe. (Heffernan letter, p. 5).
When he reached Murphy’s cottage he turned up Mullinahone Lane. Where he knew he had good cover. He turned right to Mike Hyne’s land, and went down to the Long Bog through the wood near Ballybrahe Bridge. Michael came out at the iron gate from the bog and rushed up the road over Ballybrahe bridge. As he approached Dan Murphy’s quarry another long volley of machine fun fire passed over Michael’s head. This again startled Michael as he had been looking back and trying to keep out of the view of the New Line [ N 25]. (Heffernan letter, p. 5).
Michael continued to run until he reached Ballybrahe. There he turned down the lane at Mike Hynes’ house and crossed his lands into John Ennett’s fields. Through these he reached John Ennett’s house where he changed coats and collar and shoes. After changing Michael immediately left and caught his own pony in the paddock at Cappagh Lane and walked the animal home hoping that it would explain things if the Black and Tans were at his home. No one was waiting for him and he learned that all attending Mass that Sunday were detained and questioned. (Heffernan letter, p. 5).
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For further information on the children of Michael Heffernan (1878-1951) see our post of 17 January 2022.
For an account of a Black and Tan atrocity in Cork see, Three Minute Tales, “Black and Tans a Farmer’s Revenge.”
Please send any corrections or further information or photos of any person mentioned in this post to glenmore.history@gmail.com
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Captain C.F. McLoughlin (1897-1967) of the Glenmore Volunteers, Part II
For Part 1 see our post of 26 May 2025.
1916-1919
On Fred McLoughlin’s release after about a month’s detention he carried on activities as before. (Heffernan letter, p. 1) After McLoughlin returned the Glenmore Volunteers resumed drilling and this time some new men joined as public opinion turned in their favour (Mernagh letter, p. 4)
McLoughlin went to Gorey in the autumn of 1916, but returned to Glenmore from time to time. During 1917, 1918 and 1919, while living in Glenmore he continued and intensified his volunteer activities. He took part in the Waterford City by-election and the volunteers were active in the General Election of 1918. During the conscription crisis of 1918 he was on the run for months (Heffernan letter, p. 2). Ellen’s eldest son, Jimmy Cassin joined the volunteers. Cassin was working for Tom Mullins in Flemingstown (Cassin letter, p. 1).
About 1918 a large body of men from Ballybrahe, Weatherstown and Ballyfacey marched to Coolnaleen to link up with another large group. Elections were held at that time and Fred McLoughlin was again appointed Captain, Jack Hartley, Weatherstown 1st Lieutenant; Jack Doherty of Coolnaleen was appointed 2nd Lieutenant (Power letter, p. 2).
McLoughlin’s Glenmore Headquarters
Of all the letters submitted by Glenmore people on behalf of McLoughlin the one containing the most detail of the activities of the Company was that of John Power, Jr. He stated that from an early stage, Fred McLoughlin was experimenting with explosives and trying to make gunpowder. Power had a new bicycle about 1918 and several times lent it to McLaughlin to make long journeys. Power constantly carried dispatches for McLoughlin. Although McLoughlin lived with his aunts in Glenmore Village he made his headquarters Pat Walsh’s farm in Ballybrahee less than a mile from the Village.
John Power, Jr. worked for Pat Walsh. The barn, boiler house, the haggard and other places on the farm were used for volunteer purposes. Buckshot from moulds was made in the boiler house where cartridges were loaded. The loaded cartridges were tested in the fields (Power letter, p. 2). McLoughlin was also experimenting with making bombs. “Some of the powder made by Fred McLoughlin was very strong and a gun would not stand more than a small amount in a cartridge” (Power letter, p. 2).
Power stated that during the Black and Tan period (after the end of WWI c. 1918-1922) the Glenmore Company cut trees, dug trenches and demolished bridges to block roads and hamper communication of the enemy. Power was usually on outpost duty armed with a shotgun. He noted that it took three nights to break one bridge on the Pill. When it finally collapsed Dick Ryan was standing on it and went down into the Pill with it (Power letter, p. 1).
The Civil War
At the outbreak of the Civil War there were divisions in Glenmore amongst the men. McLoughlin arrived from Dublin about the end of July. Power, Neddy Purcell and some others got in touch with McLoughlin and continued their activities as they were anti-Treaty. Power borrowed Pat Walsh’s spring car and drove it from Ballybrahee to a place outside of Waterford where McLoughlin had dumped some munitions stolen from General Prout’s arm. Power noted that this was the army that had taken Waterford in 1922 (Power letter, p. 3). For further details regarding the Siege of Waterford see our post of 17 July 1922.
Soon thereafter, McLoughlin’s mother, Sarah Jane McLoughlin née Heffernan died 17 May 1923 at Tullow, Carlow, at the age of 54 of tubercular meningitis.
McLoughlin’s Account of His Service
On 7 December 1933, McLoughlin filed an 8 page application for a military pension. Within this document he provided important details concerning his service, incarceration, injuries and employment. In 1933, he was residing at 35 Marlboro Road, Donnybrook. He applied under the name of Con. F. McLoughlin.
McLoughlin in his 1933 application stated that he was a volunteer in the I.R.A. from 1913 to 1923. He first volunteered in Glenmore in 1913. His commanding Officer in 1913 was Nick Curran N.T. (National teacher). McLoughlin noted in the application that Curran was deceased. From 1914 until the summer of 1915 McLoughlin was a Captain of the Blackrock College Corps. As a senior school boy, he organised and drilled independently this non-affiliated unit (1933 Application, p. 2).
From summer 1915 to 1919, McLoughlin was the Captain of the Glenmore Company, of the Kilkenny Regiment. He listed his commanding Officers as T. Treacy, Brigadier and M. Kealy, Commandant of the Southern Battalion. In 1919, he served under T.D. Synott, Enniscorthy in the Gorey area organising. He was attached to the Kilkenny brigade. In 1920 he served with J Co. of the Dublin City Brigade. J. Freaney was the Captain of J Company. At the end of 1920 McLoughlin was back in Glenmore and engaged in an attempted ambush at Lucy Rock in Ballyverneen (1933 Application, p. 2).
McLoughlin became a Lieutenant in J. Co. (Dublin) in 1921 under Captain J. Freaney and Capt. J. Goulding. The following year he became Captain and remained active until disabled. His commanding officer was P. Houlihan, Commandant (1933 Application, p. 2).
Wounds
McLoughlin stated that during his service he suffered shrapnel wounds from a bomb which he described as minor to his right hand. This wound was received during independent action (evading capture) in 1920. His second shrapnel wound injured his left hand. It too was described as minor and was received during the defence of the Talbot St. area of Dublin in 1922.
McLoughlin suffered serious bullet wounds on 13 October 1922 that caused deformity of his left hand, wrist and forearm. He claimed these injuries were received while engaged in organizing and leading authorized local action against civil disturbers at Clonaslee, Leix. At that time and place he was using the name O’Sullivan (1933 Application, p. 2).
The Irish Civil War began on the 28th of June 1922. A review of a contemporary Nationalist and Leinster Times article (Sat. 28 Oct. 1922, p. 3) provided that this little village in the North-West corner of Leix was embroiled in a strike of farm labourers. An un-named organiser “came amongst the farmers and the tide began to turn.” The farmers after having crops destroyed etc. formed a Parish Protection Party as well as a “Flying Column.” There is no mention of anyone being shot in the newspaper article. Based upon the foregoing and the fact his employer paid his hospital bill, even though it was in the name of O’Sullivan, it appears that the Clonaslee incident was related more to McLoughlin’s work for the Farmers’ Union than it related to his work for the I.R.A.
Resulting Illnesses
McLoughlin claimed “Ordinary health, as schoolboy and youth was good, till endangered by volunteer activities.” As a result of hardships and exposure experienced while organising volunteers and campaigning on borders of East Wexford, Waterford, Kilkenny and Tipperary at Easter 1916 and while detained in New Ross, Wexford, Richmond Barracks, Dublin before deportation to Wakefield in May 1916, McLoughlin suffered occasional ill health (1933 Application, p. 3).
McLoughlin revealed in his application that while at Blackrock he was treated and isolated with mumps in 1912 or 1913 (1933 Application, p. 4). We also discovered that his grandmother, Elizabeth Heffernan of Glenmore died outside the Chapel in Tullow in May 1913 (Carlow Nationalist, Sat. 24 May 1913, p. 8). See our family H surname page for the full article.
McLoughlin noted that while he was held at Wakefield he was placed on bread and water and suffered several assaults from a British Army N.C.O. During the interment he lost a stone in weight and it took a long time for him to recover. In 1918 he contracted influenza and pneumonia while “on the run” during the anti-conscription campaign. In 1921 he had a minor rheumatic attack aggravated by camping with Battalion J as Lieutenant. He attended Dr. Powell of Fitzwilliam Square during this period (1933 Application, p. 3).
McLoughlin had surgery performed by Dr. V. McCallister at Mater Hospital, Dublin in October 1922 for bullet wounds. He was in St. Patrick’s accident ward under the name of O’Sullivan. He recalled that the wounds were dressed regularly by a student who later qualified as Dr. M. O’Donnelly (1933 Application, p. 3). He was admitted to the Mater on the 13th or 14th of October 1922 and released about the 12th of November. He attended out-patient massage for a further period (1933 Application, p. 4). His hospital and surgical expenses were about £18 and were paid by the Irish Farmers’ Union (1933 Application, p. 2).
The Board contacted McLoughlin’s former commanding officer in Wexford T.D. Synott. Synott verified that McLaughlin came under his command about 1917 and remained until 1919. He served as an officer of the Glenmore Corps and was attached to the Wexford Brigade at Gorey. Synott stated that he knew McLoughlin “He came to Enniscorthy for munitions on one or two occasions in early 1918. Later (?) to form a company at Gorey.” Synott was not aware of any illness or injuries McLaughlin suffered during the time McLaughlin was in his command.
Employment History
McLoughlin reported that he was a free-lance writer from 1915 to 1919. He was also employed as a teacher in 1916-1917 although he failed to state where he taught. From 1919-1920 he worked as a journalist for the Enniscorthy Echo. From 1920-1928 he was the sub-editor of The Irish Farmer and then the Assistant General Secretary of the Irish Farmers’ Union (1933 Application, p. 3). McLoughlin became the publications manager for Cabell & Co. in 1928 and was still in the position when he filed his application in 1933 (1933 Application, p. 4).
On the 14th of July 1937 the Military Registration Board certified that McLoughlin was a member of Oglaigh na h-Eireann (I.R.A.) having engaged in military service from 1917-1919 as a volunteer in Kilkenny and Wexford. However, on 28 August 1937 McLoughlin was notified by the Minister for Defence that no award would be made to him because he did not receive a wound or injury while engaged in Military Service. This led to McLoughlin contacting Glenmore people and requesting letters outlining his work, so he could appeal.
PHILATELIST
While researching C.F. McLoughlin we came across several references to his stamp collection. In 1927, W.G. Meredith published The Postage Stamps Of Ireland 1922-1927. This book was dedicated to C.F. McLoughlin, “a distinguished Irish philatelist, thanking him for his contribution to the compilation of the handbook.” In 1971, a priest deemed a world class collector noted that C.F. McLoughlin had helped him when he was commencing collecting. He labelled McLoughlin a prominent stamp collector (New Ross Standard, Sat. 3 July 1971, p. 1).
Member of the United Arts Club of Dublin
Perhaps one of the more ironic discoveries in researching McLoughlin was the fact that McMaster University of Canada has material on McLoughlin. The material was donated to the University by William B. Ready, a former McMaster University Librarian. To view details regarding the holding click here.
As a member of the United Arts Club of Dublin, McLoughlin was a friend of Jack Butler Yeats (1871-1957) and other Irish writers. The McMaster archive contains 37 letters from Jack Butler Yeats (1871-1957) to McLoughlin.
McLoughlin published two volumes of poetry. He used the pseudonym Conn Macado and also used Maelseachlainn for the annotations he added to letters and manuscripts. He was nicknamed “the Gunman.” According to Patricia Boylan (1988) in All Cultivated People: A History of the United Arts Club, Dublin, she described McLoughlin as “… a peaceful man who spent most of his time behind a newspaper in the Dante Room [of the Club], scowling at intruders, and was seldom seen in the bar. He got his nickname from his habit of wearing his hat well down over his eyes and his trench coat tightly belted in the manner of a Chicago gangster.” We think it likely that his nickname may have been due in part to his earlier life.
The other items in the McMaster collection belonging to McLoughlin are: a poem by Padraic Colum (1881-1972), “The Sea Bird to the Wave.” Colum wrote it out for McLaughlin in 1958 one night at the Club. There are also two manuscripts, one about the 1916-1921 troubles and the other a collection of Irish proverbs from a social evening at the Club in 1967. The 1916-1921 manuscript came about when McLoughlin in 1966 contacted veterans and asked them to provide their memories. For a concise history of the United Arts Club, see, An Irishman’s Diary, The Times (5 March 2007).
McLaughlin’s Poetry
Due to the number of pseudonyms employed by McLaughlin we were able to locate a few of his poems and two volumes of poetry.
The National Gallery of Ireland has McLoughlin’s poem entitled “1940” in its Yeat’s Collection. This poem was inscribed with a Christmas greeting from McLoughlin to Jack Butler Yeats. (National Gallery of Ireland, donated by Anne Yeats in 1996.) A second poem entitled “Id Est” is also in the Yeat’s Collection and was inscribed with a Christmas greeting from McLouglin to Jack Butler Years (1943). This poem was privately printed 100 copies. (National Gallery of Ireland, donated by Anne Yeats in 1996). “Cognito” was privately published in 1946, and “Three Things” was published in 1951. “Cognito” includes “copious manuscript notes by McLoughlin under the pseudonym Maelseachlainn.” Both works are held in the National Library of Ireland.
Imaginative Meaning: a Prismetric Medium (1941) was published by McLoughlan under the pseudonym Conn Macado. McLoughlin sent a copy to J.B. Yeats. This work is a 20 page volume published by Elp Press. McLoughlin also published a 6 page volume of poetry in 1942 entitled Glenechomore: A Prismetric Primitive. We wonder if this work Glen-echo-more reflects any of his time in Glenmore.
The End
Finding an obituary for McLaughlin was not a straightforward task. We found his obituary when we went in search of his brother’s obituary. The Evening Herald (Tues. 7 March 1967, p. 2) carried an obituary for Peter McLaughlin, of Cloone, Co. Leitrem. On the same page C.F. McLoughlin’s obituary appeared as follows.
MAELSEACHLAINN (Dublin)—March 6, 1967 at 100 Leeson Street Upper, Cornelius (Conn); deeply regretted by his sorrowing brothers, sisters, relatives and friends. RIP Remains will arrive at St. Mary’s Church Haddington Road, this (Tuesday) evening at 5:30 o’c. Funeral tomorrow (Wednesday) after 10 o’c Mass to Dean’s Grange Cemetery. House private.
The Irish Independent (Thur. 9 March 1967, p. 12) provided: Mr. Cornelius Maelseachlainn (71), Leeson St., Upper, Dublin, who has died, Was a native of Co. Kilkenny.
He joined the Irish Volunteers in 1913 and took part in the 1916 Rising. After the Rising he was deported to Wakefield. He subsequently became Captain in the I.R.A. From 1921 to 1925 he was assistant general secretary of the Irish Farmers’ Union and was sub-editor and later editor of the “Irish Farmer” between 1920 and 1928. He was Vice Chancellor of the Bailiwick of Ireland of the Military and Hospitaller Order of Lazarus of Jerusalem.
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Please send any corrections, additional information, photos etc. to glenmore.history@gmail.com . Special thanks to Carlow Local Studies Librarian, Christopher Power for his location and sharing of John McLoughlin’s 1944 obituary. Efforts to locate the McLoughlin family grave in Tullow were not successful yesterday. However, it provided a lovely stroll through a well maintained cemetery. The featured photo above is St. John the Baptist in Grange, Tullow, Carlow where we believed John McLoughlin and his wife Sarah Jane were buried.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Captain C.F. McLoughlin (1897-1967) of the Glenmore Volunteers, Part I
The Military Service Pension Act 1934 caused the former officers of the old IRA to be contacted in 1935 to obtain the names, ranks and dates of service on two designated dates, 11 July 1921 and 1 July 1922, of the men who served in their units. A list was duly made and submitted. See our list of members of the Glenmore Company of the old IRA.
C.F. McLoughlin applied for a pension noting that he was a Captain with the Glenmore Volunteers in 1915 on. However, McLoughlin does not appear on the Glenmore list submitted, and McLaughlin wasn’t a name generally associated with Glenmore.
It transpires that C.F. McLoughlin, was Cornelius Frederick McLoughlin born in Callan, Kilkenny in 1897 the eldest child of R.I.C. Sergeant, John McLoughlin (c. 1864-1944) and his wife Sarah Jane Heffernan (1866-1923) of Glenmore. The couple were married in Glenmore on 17 June 1896. Sarah Jane, of Cappagh, Glenmore, was a dressmaker and her father was Michael Heffernan (c. 1839 -1914) a retired R.I.C, sergeant. John MacLoughlin was a native of Roscommon. John and Sarah Jane McLoughlin had 9 known children; 5 boys and 4 girls.
Evidence Submitted in 1938
In 1938, C.F. McLoughlin was seeking recognition and a pension for his work as an Irish Volunteer from 1915-1923. His first application was rejected. The National Library of Ireland has digitalized four letters that were sent by Glenmore people to provide information concerning his work as a Volunteer. The letters include: [1] Michael Heffernan’s letter dated 1 February 1938; [2] James Power, Jr. of Jamestown letter dated 27 December 1937; [3] Peter Mernagh’s letter dated 27 December 1937; and [4] Widow Ellen Cassin’s letter dated 1 February 1938.
The First Glenmore Volunteers
Ellen Cassin née Malone (c.1879-1963) moved to Glenmore in 1899. She first heard of the Volunteer movement when men began drilling in Glenmore under Nick Curran, John Dunphy and Jim Fluskey about 1913 or 1914. George Jones, an ex-soldier of the British Army used to instruct them. The movement fell away for a time, but it began to revive again on a smaller scale at the end of 1915 when “Freddie McLoughlin began training men. (Cassin letter p.1).
Michael Heffernan (c. 1877-1951) in 1938, was the Peace Commissioner in Glenmore. He stated that C.F., or Fred, as he was known in the family was his nephew. “He spent a great part of his youth and usually all his holidays in Glenmore. After finishing at Blackrock College in the summer of 1915 he had some difference with his father and came to live with his aunts—my sisters—Mrs. J.K. Walsh [1884-1955] and Miss M. Heffernan [Mary “Minnie” Heffernan (c. 1872-1944)] in Glenmore. About that period, the autumn or winter of 1915, he began organising and training a company of Irish Volunteers. We knew some of the men who were with him, but we had not exact knowledge of all he was doing, and it was not his practice to talk much to anybody. Some things we could not help noticing. (Heffernan letter p. 1).
Peter Mernagh (1892-1990) stated that he joined the Irish Volunteers at Glenmore in October or November 1915. “C.F. McLoughlin, known to us then as Fred, and sometimes now as Conn, was the Captain at the time.” (Mernagh letter, p. 1)
The Glenmore Volunteers of 1915
- Neddy Purell (moved to America)
- Johnny Barron (died in America)
- Johnnie Power, Jr. of Jamestown
- Jimmy Roche, of Weatherstown
- Jim Mernagh (moved to Castlecomer)
- Batty Mernagh (deceased)
- Little Mick Power
- Tom Dunne (moved to Wexford)
- Needy (sic) Doolan, of Shanbogh
- Paddy Barron, of Carrickcloney (moved to England)
- Peter Mernagh, of Ballyverneen
- Captain C.F. McLoughlin
The men drilled regularly, about twice a week, at Cappagh Lane, in the lane at Graiguenakill, in Doyle’s big field opposite the schoolhouse, Robinstown, and at Haggard Line, Mullinahone. (Mernagh letter, p. 1).
Warnings & Threats
“On several occasions before the 1916 Rising an R.I.C. man in New Ross who was friendly disposed asked me [Michael Heffernan] to speak to my nephew and to advise him to be careful in what he was doing. The Parish Priest at the time, Fr. Phelan, also asked me to get him to stop this work; but my nephew was set on his purpose. As far as I recall he used only to smile when I mentioned these things, and to carry on as before. He was not a person to be easily altered once he was set on a thing.”
“On the second occasion that Fr. Phelan spoke to me, I remember he threatened something to the effect that if I was not able to influence young McLoughlin he would take steps to have him shifted as the activities he was engaged in might create disturbances in the parish. Anyhow, my nephew carried on in spite of these warnings and advices. He was drilling men over the Cappagh Road and in other places.”(Heffernan letter, p. 1)
A day or two before the actual Rising of 1916 Fred visited Michael Heffernan and his wife, to say goodbye. He did not expect to see them for some time. A few days later they heard of the Rising and they then realized that something serious was afoot.
Easter Week 1916
Before the Rising the Glenmore Volunteers had an idea that something was “to come off.” Peter Mernagh knew that at any time he could get a shotgun from John Dunphy, of Ballyverneen. Dunphy was sympathetic and allowed Peter Mernagh to sleep on his premises. (Mernagh letter, p. 1)
On the Tuesday after Easter, Peter’s brother Batt relayed orders from Captain McLoughlin to proceed to Buttersbridge, Rosbercon about dusk to meet others. Batty knew that the Rising had started in Dublin and they were hopeful that they would get rifles in New Ross and join up there. Captain McLaughlin returned from New Ross and told the men to quietly return to Glenmore. (Mernagh letter, p. 2)
For the rest of that week Peter Mernagh kept an eye on the “New Line” (main road from Waterford to New Ross). He worked in John Dunphy’s fields and had a view of the “New Line” from the Creamery Manager’s house to Ballyverneen. Peter Mernagh got very little sleep that week watching the road night and day. (Mernagh letter, p. 3)
Arrest in Glenmore
The week after Easter Week, on Tuesday the Glenmore Volunteers heard of the surrender in Dublin. “We were not disposed to believe it.” The volunteers were disappointed that they did not have an active part in the Rising. “The police began to come out again and to show some activity.” (Mernagh letter, p. 3)
Michael Heffernan heard of arrests in New Ross. “One day when I met the friendly policeman in New Ross he informed me that my nephew Fred was noted as one of the ringleaders in the district and was a marked man, and it was not advisable for him to remain in the area.” When Michael Heffernan told Fred he was not frightened by the news and determined to carry on as before. (Heffernan letter, p. 1)
Captain McLoughlin was arrested. John Dunphy broke the news of the arrest to Peter Mernagh. Peter thought that it was the 6th of May 1916, and he expected that he too would be arrested. However, he was not. (Mernagh letter, p. 4)
Ellen Cassin was working for Fred’s aunts and was milking a cow when the police arrived to arrest Fred. “There was great excitement in the Village that day over Freddie’s arrest. It was expected that others might be taken at any moment. Freddy’s aunts were very upset…” No other arrests were made and the excitement died down.” (Cassin letter, p. 1)
Michael Heffernan learned one morning that the police and military were arresting Fred at his sister’s house in Glenmore Village. He was not surprised. “I went to see what was happening and saw the R.I.C. and military with rifles standing about the house where Fred was sleeping. There was some little delay. I went to hunt fowl out of the new potatoes that were coming up in my garden on the hill. On clapping my hands loudly, I remember that two R.I.C. turned the corner at the bridge. They appeared to have some interest in the noise, but I explained that I was only frightening fowl away, and the incident ended. I saw Fred being taken off under escort a few minutes afterwards…” (Heffernan letter, p. 1).
John McLoughlin’s Letter of 18 May 1916
John McLoughlin wrote to Robert Chalmers, expressing his disappointment in his 18-year-old son Cornelius F. McLoughlin. Sir Robert Chalmers, was famous for being the rudest man in Whitehall whose “pomposity and cynicism concealed his many benefactions,” as Under Secretary. (G.C. Peden, “Chalmers, Robert, Baron Chalmers (1858-1938),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography as cited by Martin Maguire (2008) in The Civil Service and the Revolution in Ireland, 1912-38, Manchester University Press, p. 39.)
Sir,
I have just heard that my son Cornelius F. McLoughlin, who is aged 18 years and 10 months, has been arrested in connection with this Sinn Fein insurrection, at the residence of his aunt (Miss Minnie Heffernan) at Glenmore, Waterford where he resided for the past five months, and has been deported to some part of England. If this boy has by Overt act or otherwise done anything to merit punishment I trust the authorities will deal with him in a firm manner. I spent a considerable sum of money in the bringing up and education of this boy, up to the summer examinations of last year, where he completed his Intermediate course. As he was young, able, active, clever and physically fit, and in my opinion eminently suitable for his Majesty’s forces, I did my utmost during the autumn of last year to induce him to join the O.T.C. or other branch of the regular forces but failed. As he had no taste for soldiering and as he expressed a wish to go seek his fortune in America and join friends who are out there, and so I had no employment for him here. I consented to his wish. It was just then that the stampede of young men took place which caused the Government to prevent the departure of passengers unless provided with passports. He filed papers with the view of getting one, and as he saw there were some obstacles put in the way, he allowed the matter drop and changed his mind. As he was not willing to join the army or go to America and so I had no business for him, he went to his aunt’s at Glenmore.
While under my charge he never mixed with any evil companions, what evil company he with since he left me, I do not know. How or when he became connected with this Sinn Finn business, if he has been so connected, I have no knowledge. I need hardly say I have no sympathy for him in his present miserable predicament, and that is m reason for saying that I trust he may be fittingly punished if there is any evidence of guilt brought home to him, as I do mot believe in making heroes of young fellows by arrest and discharge without adequate punishment, which would be a lesson to them in the future.
As I look upon this attempted insurrection as the greatest curse that could befall this unhappy land when everyone should be united in the midst of this awful war to combat and beat the enemy. I am compelled by a strong sense of duty to write this letter. I am a ex Sargeant of the R.I.C. and had the honour of serving my King and country for 30 years.
This is confidential and the contents are not to be shown or made known to the boy as it might cause him to have ill feeling toward me afterward.
I am, Sir
Your Obedient Servant
J. McLoughlin
(National Archives of Ireland; Chief Secretary’s Office Registered Papers, CSO RP/1916/5611/8501/1) To view a copy of the handwritten letter see the website, Ordinary Lives, Extraordinary Times: Letters 1916-1923.
Impact of His Father’s Letter
By January 1913 John McLoughlin had retired from the R.I.C. and was living at Maryville, Tullow, Co. Carlow with his wife and children. That month he was appointed Collector of Income Taxes for 26 districts in Carlow and parts of Kilkenny (Carlow Sentinel, Sat. 18 Jan. 1913, p. 2). His post as Tax Collector was omitted in his extraordinary 1916 letter regarding his son’s arrest and detention.
Given that Fred was detained about a month. It is unlikely that the letter had a negative impact on his case. It transpired that he was sent to Wakefield Prison in Western Yorkshire, England. After the 1916 Rising, Wakefield Prison was taken over by the military. In Part 2 we will outline Fred’s continued work as a Volunteer and information we found regarding his later life.
Please send any corrections, further information or photos to glenmore.history@gmail.com . Also we would like your thoughts concerning John Loughlin’s 1916 letter.
The featured photo is Wakefield Prison in 1916 courtesy of wikimedia commons [http://maggieblanck.com/Land/WakefieldPrison/WP5.jpg Maggie Blanck] |Date=1916 |Author={{author|unknown}}.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh