Land League & Protests
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From Danny’s Files: “The Land Grabbers”
While sorting through some of Danny’s vast collection yesterday, I came across the lyrics of a song published in the Kilkenny Journal on Christmas Day 1880. The title of the song is “The Land Grabbers” and it is was sung to the “King O’Toole” air.
When the Land League formed it was determined that in order to put pressure on landlords pressure would be placed also on people not to move into the property where the eviction occurred. It was hoped that if the property was idle a settlement between the evicted tenant and landlord would be reached, and the tenant returned to the property.
If a person moved onto the property he would be identified by the local chapter of the Land League as a “land grabber.” In several local cases houses and farms were idle for three or more years because no one was willing to take up the property for fear of being labelled a “land grabber.” Thus, landlords who believed that they could evict and find a better tenant or secure more rent were risking the property sitting idle for years.
Contemporary newspapers accounts reveal that the “land grabber” when spotted in a town or village would be followed by one or more persons ringing bells to attract attention. People would not deal with a land grabber. For example, merchants and publicans would refuse to sell anything to a land grabber and likewise the land grabber’s cattle, pigs and crops would not be bought on market days. A person who dealt with a land grabber risked the wrath of the members of the Land League and its supporters. (For a concise history of the era see, Joe Pellegrino, Irish History Since 1850.)
Glenmore Branch of the Land League
The Glenmore Branch of the Land League was formed in October 1880. Father Michael Cody, a native of Carrickcloney, Glenmore, and the Curate of Mullinavat, was arrested in December 1880 for making “threats” to a Land Grabber in Mullinavat. Shortly thereafter these lyrics were published in the Dublin Weekly News on Sat., 18 Dec. 1880 (p. 5) and in the Kilkenny Journal on Christmas Day.
See our post of 8 March 2020 regarding the Glenmore Land League and the Ballyfacey Evictions
See also our post of 14 June 2020, Creative Boycotting in Late 19th Century Ireland.
The Land Grabber Verse
“The Land Grabbers” (Air—King O’Toole)
Ring the Bell! Ring the Bell; Ring it up and down!
Ding-a-dong! Ding-a-dong; a Grabber is in town!
His goods are in the market, but there we’ll let them lie,
He’ll have to take them home again, for nobody will buy.
Dong-a-dong! Ding-a-dong! Rattle well the bell;
The Grabber wants to buy things; but nobody will sell,
For his silver or his coppers, no matter how they clink,
He cannot get a bit to eat, or get a drop to drink.
Ring the bell! Ring the bell! What will the Grabber do?
For riding on the highway his horse has lost a shoe,
But not a single blacksmith can anywhere be found,
To hammer in a nail for him, in all the country round.
Ding-a-dong! Ding-a-dong! His servants will not stay,
The men have all deserted him—the women ran away,
He has to make his beds, and wash his bits of delft,
And when he wants his dinner, he must cook it for himself.
Ring the Bell! Ring the Bell!—The landlord oft is bad,
The agent and his bailiffs are enough to drive one mad,
But of all the hateful robbers by whom our land is curst,
Since Cromwell came to plunder us, the grabber is the worst,
In the Nation.
Please send any corrections or further information to glenmore.history@gmail.com
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
The Interesting Life of Hugh Mahon (1857-1931)
Below is an article written by John Dowling, Danny Dowling’s nephew, concerning the interesting life of Hugh Mahon (1857-1931). Hugh Mahon was the “special reporter” who interviewed the Widow Doolan, of Jamestown, Glenmore, on 8 August 1880 the day that Charles Boyd was murdered. After exposing various abuses perpetrated again the Widow Doolan, and the local men accused of the murder, Mahon also raised funds for their defence. Mahon later emigrated to Australia where he became a politician and to this date is the only MP to be expelled from the Australian Parliament.
For an account of the plight of the Widow Doolan (Bridget Dowling née Cody (1831-1916)) and the murder of Charles Boyd see our post of 7 November 2021 .
Hugh Mahon (1857-1931)
Hugh Mahon was born at Killurin, County Offaly, in 1857, the 13th of 14 children of James and Anna Mahon. At the time James Mahon farmed a sizeable holding in the barony of Geashill owned by Edward St. Vincent Digby. From 1856 onwards there was ever increasing tension between the new Baron Digby and his tenants. James Mahon was caught up in these tensions but increased his lands under rent from 114 acres to 264 acres by 1866. His son Patrick farmed approximately 68 of these acres.
The North American Years
For unknown reasons, James and Anna Mahon and eight of their children emigrated to America in 1869, leaving behind Patrick to continue farming.
The Mahon family arrived in New York in March 1869, but by October they were farming a 50 acre farm close to Toronto, Canada. They lasted less than 4 years in Canada when they moved to Albany, New York.
Albany, at that time, was a thriving rail connection attracting many emigrants looking for work. James Mahon purchased a house for $1900 in May 1873. However, the American dream continued to turn sour for the Mahon family as an economic panic struck America in 1873 with many railroad companies going bankrupt. Also, the construction of rail bridges across the Hudson River reduced rail activity in East Albany.
During this time Hugh Mahon started to learn the printing and newspaper trades, and eventually at the age of 20 started working for himself selling printing materials. However, he was not left with good memories. Later in life he commented in a letter about the long workhours, poor conditions and clients who refused to pay for services rendered.
It is not clear when the Mahon family left Albany but in 1878 their name disappeared from the Albany Directories, and the house they bought for $1900 in 1873 was sold in approximately 1880 for $1000.
Return to Ireland
By 1880, with James Mahon in his 73rd year, he and his wife were facing a very uncertain twilight to their lives. Their fate must also have been experienced by many other emigrants, but the Mahon’s had one option that was not available to others. They still had a son living and farming in Ireland, and at some stage between 1878 and 1880 they decided to return to Ireland with their son Hugh.
In 1880 Hugh Mahon ended up as editor and manager of the New Ross Standard and a reporter for the Wexford People. The owner of both newspapers, Edward Walsh, was an outspoken critic of the local landlords. Walsh served three prison terms for articles that were printed in his newspapers.
The Irish Land league was formed in 1879 and was initially led by Charles Stewart Parnell and Michael Davitt. Hugh Mahon became Assistant Secretary of the New Ross branch of the Land League. Mahon was forced to leave Ireland in late March 1882, but in the two years he spent in New Ross he was a considerable thorn in the side of local landlords.
Mahon Involvement in Boyd Murder Trial
Mahon became acquainted with Walter Phelan of Shanbogh in the summer of 1880. Walter made Mahon aware of the situation of the Widow Doolan (Bridget Dowling) of Jamestown, Glenmore. On the evening of the 7th August, Walter Phelan met with Hugh Mahon in his New Ross office and agreed to go with him the following day to meet the Widow Doolan. Hugh Mahon was interested in publishing her plight in his newspaper.
On the evening of the 8th of August after meeting the Widow Doolan, Charles Boyd, nephew of local landlord Thomas Boyd was shot, and died the morning of the 9th of August.
John and Walter Phelan were identified by Evans Boyd as two of the men in the attack. They were arrested, along with ten others, and remanded first to Rosbercon and then to Kilkenny.
Hugh Mahon organised a defence fund to help the two Phelan brothers, Walter and John, who were charged with the crime. He used his newspaper to criticise the police and prosecution authorities, whom he accused of intimidation and coercive practices. He was also an important witness at the trial, providing an alibi for Walter who accompanied him to visit the Widow Doolan on the day of the assassination. The trial of the Phelan brothers was delayed to June 1881 and moved to Dublin due to the tension in the area.
Various witnesses were also moved to Dublin. These included young girls who were working as servant girls in the area. They were taken against their families wishes and held in Dublin and attempts to coerce them in giving damning evidence against the Phelan brothers was carried out (reported by Mahon in The Wexford People, Oct. 16 1880, p. 6). The girls did not succumb to the Crown coercion, nor to the offer of money.
The two Phelan brothers were acquitted in June 1881, largely based on the alibi provided by Hugh Mahon and a lack of credible evidence.
Hugh Mahon was an instrumental figure in the defence of the Phelan brothers due to
- The report of the killing of Charles Boyd, “one of the most atrocious deeds of blood”, [i] which was published on the 11 August 1880 in the Wexford People, was accompanied, on the same page, by his report of the mistreatment of Evans Boyd towards the Widow Doolan and her orphaned family. The reporting of the Boyd killing throughout Ireland and Great Britain was nearly always accompanied by the reference of mistreatment of the Widow Doolan.
- The continual criticism of local landlords by Mahon in his newspaper reports and organised boycotts of local landlords, in particular Thomas Boyd
- The raising of £765 to cover the costs of legal defence
- Providing an alibi for Walter Phelan on the day of the murder, due to both being together to interview the Widow Doolan.
One can start to think how the accused would have fared without the agitation of Hugh Mahon and his fundraising efforts.
Mahon’s Involvement in New Ross Land League
Mahon used his printing skills to print and post boycott notices around the New Ross area. Thomas Boyd was one of the landlords targeted and in September 1881 Boyd wrote to the Under-Secretary of Ireland calling for Mahon to be arrested under the Protection of Person and Property Act. Mahon was eventually arrested on 27 October 1881 and imprisoned in Naas. Mahon was suffering from tuberculosis and the prison authorities were worried that his delicate health conditions could cause his premature death whilst in their custody. He was offered a release based on his commitment to leave Ireland to move to sunnier climes to help his health condition. Eventually in late March 1882 Mahon left Ireland. He eventually arrived in Melbourne on 22 May 1882.
Australian Journalist, Activist & Politician
Upon landing in Australia Mahon quickly resumed his Land League Activist role amongst the Australian Irish. In 1883 he accompanied William and John Redmond on their 10-month tour of Australia, where he organised many of their events.
However, after the Redmond’s left Australia Mahon quickly parted company with the Land League activities to concentrate on his own journalist career, and in supporting his new wife and family.
Gold was discovered in Western Australia in the early 1890´s. Mahon decided to move there to run a newspaper covering activities in the newly formed gold districts in 1895. Over the next 5 years he would run various newspapers providing news to the local miners, expose corruption in mining and government and actively support the miner’s interests. He ran for local government on various occasions but was only successful when the Australian colonies joined together in 1901 to form the Australian Commonwealth. He was elected as the representative for Coolgardie as the Labour Party´s candidate. Over the next twenty years he would serve as Minister on four occasions, including the Minister for External Affairs during the First World War.
Mahon became active again in Irish affairs and was an ardent support of the Irish Parliamentary Party and Home Rule, but his outlook was changed by the events of 1916. The aftermath of the 1916 Rising, and the executions of the leaders was a moment when “All Changed, Changed Utterly” with “A terrible beauty … born.”[ii]
Over the next few years Mahon moved from Home Ruler to Sinn Fein supporter, and by 1919 was president of the Irish-Ireland League of Victoria. When Terence MacSwiney, Sinn Fein Lord Mayor of Cork, died on 25 October 1920, after 74 days on hunger strike, Mahon attempted to have the Irish situation debated in Australian parliament but was refused. At a meeting on 7 November 1920 in Melbourne, Mahon attacked British policy in Ireland,
“Never in Russia under the worst [rule] of the Czars had there been such an infamous murder as that of the late Alderman McSwiney. They were told in the papers that Alderman McSwiney’s poor widow sobbed over his coffin. If there was a just God in heaven that sob would reach round the world, and one day would shake the foundations of this bloody and accursed Empire.”[iii]
Mahon´s outburst came just four days before the second anniversary of the end of the First World War. Australia was still mourning the deaths of approximately 60,000 of its sons and daughters, and its Empire loyal population was not willing to accept such criticism as expressed by Mahon.
The Prime Minister, Billy Fisher, was one seat short of a majority with Mahon´s Labour party in opposition. Seeing an opportunity to secure a government majority he moved a motion, which was successful, to expel Hugh Mahon from Parliament due to his “seditious and disloyal utterances at a public meeting”[iv] and being “guilty of conduct unfitting him to remain a member of this House.”[v]
Mahon failed to win back his seat in the subsequent by-election in December 1920. To this day he remains the only MP ever to have been expelled from the Australian Parliament.
Outside of politics he continued to run the Catholic Church Property Insurance Co. He died on 28 August 1931, eventually succumbing to the lung disease that had affected him during much of his life.
John Dowling
Further reading:
Jeff Kildea (2017) Hugh Mahon Patriot, Pressman, Politician: Vol. 1 The Years from 1857 to 1901, Anchor Books: Melbourne, Australia
H.J. Gibbney (1986) “Hugh Mahon (1957-1931)” in the Australian Dictionary of Biographies, vol. 10.
Frank Sweeney (ed) (2005) Hanging Crimes: When Ireland Used the Gallows, Mercier Press: Cork
[i] Wexford People, 11 Aug. 1880, p. 4
[ii] William Butler Yeats (1997) “Easter 1916” and Other Poems, Dover Publications
[iii] Jeff Kildea (2020) Hugh Mahon; Patriot, Pressman, Politician: Vol 2 The Years from 1901 to 1931, Anchor Books: Melbourne, Australia
[iv] Kildea (2020) supra n. iii
[v] Kildea (2020) supra n. iii
Glenmore and the United Irish League’s Rosbercon Rally 1908
The land question was the political issue that dominated Glenmore and other rural areas of Ireland from before the Great Famine until shortly before the Easter Uprising in 1916. As an oversimplification, under British rule land in Ireland was owned by English landlords and the Irish people working the land were impoverished and faced the constant threat of eviction. After the famine, there was less of a need for Irish farmers and farm labourers because farming moved from tillage to grazing. This led to more clearances and evictions. Between 1851 and 1911 arable land in Ireland halved from 1.8 million hectares to 0.9 million. Live cattle exports to Britain increased from 200,000 animals in the 1840’s to 400,000 animals in the 1860’s. In the 1890’s this increased to 800,000 animals (Kevin Whelan (1997) “The Modern Landscape from Plantation to Present” in Atlas of the Irish Rural Landscape, p. 67).
Reforms
There were some efforts to reform land laws such as the establishment of the Encumbered Estates Court in 1848. The landlords most heavily in debt were weeded out and more enterprising landlords replaced them. In the 1860’s other land legislation followed, but tenancy continued to be based on contract and not on tenure. The insecurity of tenure, and the actions of the new landlords caused political and social unrest which helped give birth to the Fenian movement. The Land Act (1870) is cited as the first real effort to deal with the grievances of the Irish tenant. However, the Act was inadequate particularly after the bad harvests starting in 1877. (C.F. Bastable (1903) “The Irish Land Purchase Act of 1903,” The 18(1) Quarterly Journal of Economics (Nov. 1903) p. 3-4). During bad harvests even reasonable rents were often difficult to pay.
The Land League
In October 1879 Michael Davitt, the son of an evicted farmer founded the Land League. Charles Stewart Parnell, leader of the Irish Home Rule Party, presided over the League and linked the land reform movement with his home rule political party. Glenmore formed a Branch of the Land League in 1880. The Irish Land Committee in November 1880 published a document entitled, The Land Question, Ireland: Confiscation or Contract? It was apparent that change was going to happen. The only question was whether the Government would force the landlords to sell their lands.
Fierce agitation by the Land League led to Gladstone’s Land Act of 1881 which accepted the three F’s: (1) Fixity of tenure; (2) Fair rent; and (3) the right of Free sale of the tenant of his interest. In essence the 1881 Act fixed rents. The fixing of rents did not stop evictions. For example, in August 1885 people from across the area rushed to Ballyfacey, Glenmore and successfully stopped the eviction of several families. (See our post of 14 June 2020 for further details regarding the Ballyfacey evictions). Notwithstanding the shortcomings of the 1881 Act it was viewed as a victory for the Land League.
United Irish League
The momentum gained by the Land League was lost in 1891 when Parnell became embroiled in a public scandal because of his long association with a married woman. The Glenmore Branch of the Land League split as did the national group. Parnell died later that year. (For further information on the splitting of the Glenmore Branch of the Land League see our post of 27 March 2020 and our post 29 March 2020).
In 1898 the United Irish League was established by William O’Brien with the help of Michael Davitt and others. The League was comprised primarily of the divided Parnell and anti-Parnellite factions. By 1903 the main political parties in Britain were in agreement that Irish tenants should be allowed to purchase their holdings. However, the question remained whether the transfer of land would be voluntary or whether it would be compulsory on the landlords.
The Land Act (1903), also known as the Wyndham Act, was the long awaited land purchase Act. However, not everyone agreed with the provisions of the Act and the United Irish League did not remain united. In 1908 the land question raised its head locally when there were calls for dividing the “grass ranch” of the Boyd estate. (For an interesting article on the 1903 Act, see, Patrick John Cosgrove (2008) The Wyndham Act, 1903; The Final Solution to the Irish Land Question? (PhD Thesis, National University of Ireland, Maynooth).
The Boyd Estate
On the 9th of August 1908, the clergy and people of Glenmore travelled to Rosbercon to attend a “monster” demonstration. The purpose of the demonstration was to agitate for the division of the Boyd estate. The Shanbogh landlord Thomas Boyd died in 1904.
Thomas Boyd (1818-1904) of Chilcomb House, Rosbercon, in addition to being the landlord of Shanbogh, was also the Crown Solicitor for Tipperary. He also owned land in Tipperary. Thomas bought Shanbogh around 1870. His land was described as running from his residence in Rosbercon for two miles to the river. A decade after he purchased Shanbogh, Thomas, his two sons and nephew were ambushed. His son Charles died from his injuries. Although several local people were arrested for the murder of Charles Boyd (c. 1859-1880) no one was convicted. (For further information on the ambush see our post of 7 Nov. 2021).
Thomas survived both of his sons and left his estate to his grandson Thomas Crawford Boyd (1886-1967). Thomas Crawford Boyd was the son of John Thomas Evans Boyd (1855-1900) and his wife Emily Martha Crawford (1863-1934). Thomas Crawford Boyd was in the British army in 1908.
The 1908 Meeting of the United Irish League at Rosbercon
The New Ross Standard (Fri. 14 August 1908, p. 13) covered the meeting and started its coverage with “Just across the river from New Ross, at a little distance above the village of Rosbercon, on a well known South Kilkenny Gaelic battle ground, on Sunday afternoon an exceptionally well attended, enthusiastic and determined public demonstration was held, under the auspices of the United Irish League. The object of the demonstration was the breaking up the ranch land of the Boyd estate.” It was also mentioned that a special train from Waterford brought a contingent of about 200 including the Barrack Street Brass and Reed Band. The Kilkenny People (Sat. 15 Aug.1908, p. 3) also carried similar coverage of the meeting.
Glenmore Clergy & Evicted Tenants
The meeting was “largely attended by farmers, labourers and artisans.” A long list of the men on the platform was provided in local news accounts. There were clergymen such as the Very Rev. Canon Holohan, P.P., Rosbercon; Glenmore’s Very Rev. Thomas Phelan, P.P.; and Glenmore’s Curate, Rev. Martin Crotty. Politicians from all over the South East of Ireland were also well represented on the platform. Evicted Tenants made up the remainder of the persons on the platform. The newspapers linked the parishes of Glenmore and Sliverue when listing the evicted tenants on the platform. The evicted tenants included: James Forrestal (Rosbercon); R. Egan (Tullogher, restored); P. Cody (Tullogher); Ed Harte (Listerlin); Frank Ryan (Glenmore & Slieverue), Daniel and John Doolan (Glenmore & Slieverue); P. Doherty (Glenmore & Slieverue) and R. Grace (Glenmore & Slieverue).
Canon Holohan’s Speech
The Very Rev. Canon Holohan, P.P., Rosbercon, chaired the meeting. Below is an extract of his speech.
“Fellow countrymen, and men and women of Kilkenny, Carlow, Wexford, and Waterford—I am delighted to see you assembled here today in such vast numbers. Your presence here today gives me an assurance that your breasts are filled with the same feelings of patriotism and bravery which animated the breasts of your forefathers who fought at the battle of New Ross (applause)—that you are still filled with the same enthusiasm that characterised meetings of twenty-five or thirty years ago (applause).”
“You are also prepared to support an agitation today on the same lines as you formerly did when the Land League was started by Michael Davitt (applause).” At this point a man called out, “And the great Parnell.” Fr. Holohan carried on with his speech. He outlined that the gathered men would be asked to adopt a number of resolutions concerning the question of Home Rule. He stated that “without which Ireland can never exist or be happy, prosperous or contented (cheers). This resolution concerning Home Rule occupies the first place. The question of the evicted holds a prominent place in the programme of today, and in like manner the distribution of untenanted lands amongst the sons and representatives of the evicted tenants and amongst the landless of the district (applause)…”
“We all deplore the evils of emigration, but we all know and feel there is no place in the world for Irishmen like their native land. Nowhere do they feel as happy and contented as at home amongst their own friends. They may go to foreign lands and pick up some gold, but they are never happy out of Ireland (applause)…”
Canon Holohan went on to state that his old friend, Mr. Meagher, the Member of Parliament for North Kilkenny, had secured in north Kilkenny possession of seven or eight ranches of untenanted land for distribution. ..”I had the pleasure of meeting him 28 years ago in the days of the Land League, when we stood shoulder to shoulder on many a platform, when the prospect was not so bright as it is today, when the people with the priests agitated. They persevered and keep pegging away, and they have obtained many redresses of their grievances. They have obtained a reduction of rent, the land purchase Clauses, the various Land Bills for the last 30 years. They have obtained the Town Tenants Acts and the Labourers Acts. Those are the various Bills obtained and improvements made through the agitation of the Irish Parliamentary Party. We can get something from time to time. We cannot get all that we are entitled to, but by agitating we will get something from time to time.”
“Many tell us that Home Rule is almost within sight. If we had it, it would embrace everything, and it is not sops and straws we would be getting. Let us keep agitating and by the assistance of the Irish Parliamentary Party and a good strong agitation we are assured that Home Rule is in sight (applause). We have the sympathy of all Nationalists, not only in England, Scotland, Australia and America, but wherever the Irish race is spread all over the world. Englishmen who come over here to govern us after a little experience of the country find that nothing can be done without Home Rule. We are all Home Rulers…”
The Sought Resolutions
[1] That we, the Nationalists of South Kilkenny, Carlow, Wexford, and Waterford, reiterate the National demand for a native Parliament sitting in College Green, with full powers to make laws for the government of the Irish nation.
[2] We earnestly call upon the Government to hasten the reinstatement of the evicted tenants and to supply the necessary funds for this purpose.
[3] We demand the distribution of the untenanted lands of South Kilkenny among the evicted tenants, the wounded soldier of the land war, or their representative, and among the adjoining small farmers and landless people, to enable them to live in the land of their birth and to prevent their emigration.
[4] We strongly protest again the rejection of the large number of labourers’ cottages, especially on the large areas.
Speech of Michael Meagher, MP for North Kilkenny
The political speech delivered by Michael Meagher had several interesting facts presented. According to Meagher people were leaving Ireland at the rate of 44,000 a year, while there were 68,000 acres of gazing land to be broken up. He noted that forty years previously the lands were cleared of human beings and “handed over to bullocks.” Through the Estates Commission “ranches” in the north of the county were being split up. He gave the example of the Scully ranch where 39 families comprised of 357 human beings were evicted—not for non-payment of rent but to turn the land to grazing. This land was in 1908 being made available for supported purchase by evicted tenants, small farmers and the landless.
Rev. Thomas Phelan of Glenmore
Fr. Thomas Phelan (Glenmore) declared the vote of thanks to Canon Holohan and recited:
Ill fares the land
To hastening ills a prey,
Where bullocks thrive
And men decay.
Canon Holohan (Rosbercon) concluded the meeting with
“We’ll have the land that bore us,
The land shall be our chorus,
We’ll have it yet, tho’ tis hard to get,
With the green flag flying o’er us.”
It is interesting the simplistic approach taken that splitting up large “ranch” holdings would stop emigration without any discussion of birth rates or available alternative employment. Unless the people purchasing the untenanted land provided for each of their children by dividing their land the project would not stop emigration. However, dividing the purchased holding would result in the pre-Famine subsistence farming on smaller and smaller holdings and also would not stop emigration after a generation or two.
See our post of 14 June 2020 regarding creative boycotting in the late 19th century.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Sabotaging the 1893 Hunt in Glenmore: The Burning of the Fox Coverts
In three previous posts we highlighted some of the local activities of the Glenmore Land League from its establishment in late 1880 through its split in February 1891 over the Parnell scandal. Some of the main agrarian agitation activities undertaken by members included engaging in boycotts and gathering to protest and frustrate evictions. One of the best known successful eviction frustrations occurred at Ballyfacey, Glenmore on the 27th of August 1885. On that date church bells across South Kilkenny rang out calling thousands of people to gather and stop the eviction of Ballyfacey families. Two years later in February 1893 the local people were again called together this time to resist the seizure in the middle of the night of cattle in Ballyfacey. A month later a group of local men and women stopped a fox hunt in Ballyfacey and burned the coverts, to stop future hunts. In general, fox hunting was a pursuit of the landlords and gentry. A covert is anywhere a fox may live. In various areas of Glenmore rough ground with bushes and other cover was protected by the landlords to provide a place for foxes. Generally, hounds were sent into the covert to flush out the fox and the hunt would begin.
Pitchfork Protests at Ballyfacey Glenmore
The Wexford People (Sat. 1 April 1893, p. 8) published an article entitled, “UNIONIST HUNTSMEN ATTACKED WITH PITCHFORKS: THE COVERTS BURNED.” On Tuesday the 26th of March “an exciting scene was witnessed at the hunt at Ballyfacey,” which “has been the scene of many a stubborn fight against the enemies of the people.” “…Men and women of that place were forward in showing their detestation of shoneen Unionism.” Shoneen is a derogatory word in Irish that refers to one who prefers English attitudes, customs or lifestyle to Irish ones.
On that day Sir Nugent Humble’s hounds were advertised to meet at Tory Hill. Sir Nugent Humble was from Waterford County and it is reported that by the 1870’s his estate was comprised of 6,000 acres. Humble also had lands in County Tipperary, but it does not appear that he had any land in or around Ballyfacey.
The Humble hunters met and proceeded to the covert at Ballyfacey, Glenmore. The Munster Express (Sat. 8 April 1893, p. 8) reported that “when the hounds came to the covert a number of men proceeded with pitchforks to stop the hunt. Sir Nugent Humble inquired the cause of the display, and was told the ‘Castle Catholics’ who attended the Orange meeting would not be permitted to pass, but that the other gentlemen might do so.” Notwithstanding the language used by the newspaper in covering the incident there were no injuries n either side.
Local Castle Catholics
The Munster Express did not identify the so-called “Castle Catholics” or Catholics who supported the Crown, however the Wexford People did name them and we have below provided the actual words from the article. “Mr. Bloomfield, …one of the organisers of the recent Unionist meeting in Waterford, and Mr. Nicholas Lambert, the new ‘Catholic Jay-Pay’ from Ballinakill or Dysertmoon.”
The Wexford People article went on to explain that Nicholas Lambert “before he was ‘raised to the bench’ was, like a good many more of his kind in this country, free and easy with the people as long as he thought he could be served by them, but as soon as he was made a J.P. he ‘kicked over the traces’ and became a Unionist going down to Waterford to beat the Orange drum. In his efforts to ape the grandee, however, he has overshot the mark, and on Tuesday be saw that when he was told by the lads and lasses who were stationed on the fence of Ballyfacey covert that it was to him the objection was made.”
“He began to foam, but was soon made cool, and though his conduct might have precipitated a row, yet the sight of the men with pikes in their hands made the hunters retreat, Mr. Lambert among the rest. The dogs were beaten by the girls, and when the hunters were retiring the crowd groaned for Balfour and cheered for Gladstone and Home Rule. Though the scene was at one time exciting no blows were struck. About twenty or thirty men composed the crowd which defended the covert. On the same night the covert of Ballyfacey, another at Mullinahone, in the parish of Glenmore, and a third at Greenlands, on Mr. Fitzgerald’s land at Knockbrock, were burned to ashes. The foxes which they contained ran in all directions.”
Arthur James Balfour (1848-1930)
To put the groans of the protesting crowd into context, Arthur James Balfour (1848-1930) was the chief Secretary for Ireland until 1891. While he suppressed agrarian unrest and demonstrations he did institute a few measures against absentee landlords. Balfour opposed Irish Home Rule and is attributed with saying there could be no “halfway house” between Ireland remaining within the United Kingdom or becoming independent. By 1893 Balfour led the Conservative Party in the House of Commons. In 1902 he succeeded his uncle Lord Salisbury as Prime Minister and served until 1905.
William Gladstone (1809-1898)
The cheers of the protesting crowd were for William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898). Gladstone was a member of the Liberal party and served as prime minister four times. Gladstone was personally committed to the granting of Irish home rule and in 1886 introduced the first 1886 Home Rule Bill for Ireland. Unfortunately, this Bill caused him to lose power. When he became prime minister again in August 1892, he began working on a new home rule bill. The Second Home Rule Bill passed its second reading in the House of Commons in April 1892 and the third reading on 1 September. However, the House of Lords, a week later, killed the Bill when the majority of Lords voted against it.
Although no political group is associated with the article it seems likely that the agrarian agitation activities of the Land League were employed by locals to show displeasure with an apparent Catholic neighbour not supporting Home Rule. The sabotage of the Ballyfacey hunt was reported widely including to Irish exiles in the United States via The Irish Standard (Minneapolis, Minnesota) on Sat. the 29th of April 1893.
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Previous blog posts include: “The Glenmore Land League and the Ballyfacey Evictions,” available at https://glenmore-history.com/the-glenmore-land-league-and-the-ballyfacey-evictions/ , and “Glenmore and Mr. Parnell,” available at https://glenmore-history.com/glenmore-and-mr-parnell/ .
The featured photo above is a John Player cigarette card, retrieved from the Digital Public Library of America http://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47de-40d9-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99
The second photo is of the artwork of Alken, Henry Thomas (1784-1851), (1817-05-01) Fox hunting. Retrieved from the Digital Public Library of America, http://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47dc-3696-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99
The Balfour photo is from Bain News Service, publisher – Library of Congress Catalog: https://lccn.loc.gov/2014682753 and the photo is from the portrait section available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018697133 .
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Creative Boycotting in Late 19th Century Ireland
Long before old newspapers were available on-line, Danny Dowling spent a substantial amount of time visiting libraries in Waterford, Wexford and Kilkenny, pouring over the old newspapers, and making notes or copies of various articles about Glenmore or other subjects or places that took his interest. One area of interest was boycotting. Although protests and the joining of ordinary people to shun, or place economic pressure on another person, in an effort to change behaviour, probably goes back to the beginning of humans living together, and forming societies, the term boycott to describe such a protest only came into popular use in 1880. The verb boycotting came about due to Captain Charles Boycott, a land agent in County Mayo.
Charles Stewart Parnell advocated non-violence and the banding together of tenant farmers and labourers to stop the abuses associated with evictions. In 1880, Boycott, a retired army officer, raised the rent on his tenants and evicted a number of families. The newly formed local Land League pressured local farmers, labourers and tradesmen to refuse to work for or deal with Boycott. What started as a local protest soon garnered international news coverage after Boycott wrote to London newspapers complaining about his treatment. With no workforce willing to bring in his harvest several hundred Protestant farmers from northern Ireland journeyed to Mayo and clashed with local Land League members. By the end of the year Boycott left Ireland and died 123 years ago on the 19th of June.
Within a short time of 1880 Land League Branches were established in parishes across the country and boycotting became a common means of protesting evictions. Not only were landlords and their agents targeted, but people who took up cottages and farms where evictions occurred were identified as “land grabbers.” By placing pressure on prospective tenants not to take up evicted farms this reduced the economic benefit of the landlord to evict existing tenants. In some instances when farms sat idle deals were brokered and evicted tenants were returned to their previous holdings. As reflected in our earlier post on 8 March 2020 “The Glenmore Land League and the Ballyfacey Evictions” the local Parish Land League Branches were formed and influenced by the clergy. Father Cody, born in Glenmore, and the curate of Mullinavat, was arrested and tried for engaging in boycotting against Darby Walsh.
Generally boycotting included not associating with or engaging in any business with the landlord, his agent, and the “land grabber.” Often the “land grabber” was the only local person that people could influence. When the “land grabber” came into the local village or town he was followed around the village or town by a bell ringer to warn local people and businesses that he was present. The Waterford Standard of the 22nd of December 1880 reports that when Darby Walsh arrived in Mullinavat the Railway Bell was rung and he was followed up the street by a large crowd, amid shouts of “boycott him.” The newspaper stated “much excitement prevailed.” As time went on people became creative in how they protested or boycotted. In addition to “land grabbers,” people were also identified and shunned for “grass grabbing.”
Shortly after the Ballyfacey, Glenmore failed evictions in 1885, Father Patrick Neary, the Parish Priest of Mullinavat, attended and spoke at a “monster meeting” at Portlaw, Co. Waterford. The meeting was held to consider the action to be taken against a local farmer and cooper named Michael Hickey. The meeting was chaired by Rev. T. Aherne the Parish Priest of Portlaw and sitting with him on the stage were four other priests including Father Neary. Also present were two MP’s and “a number of minor lights in the National ranks.” Father Neary was introduced to the meeting by the chair as the “unconquered and unconquerable hero of Mulllinavat.”
After speeches a usual resolution of boycotting was unanimously adopted, “[t]hat we, the labourers and farmers of this Branch, resolve to have no dealings with Michael Hickey in the way of labour, lime, milk, or cooperage, and call on the surrounding Branches to take due notice of this resolution particularly.”
What occurred next was reported widely across Ireland and England and resulted in another unanimous resolution. “Miss Margaret Sheehan came forward and said—Reverend Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, it is with no ordinary feeling of gratitude that I present myself here as a lover of my oppressed country, as a sympathiser with her coerced children, and as far as is in my power a vindicator of her rights. To serve Erin has been, and must always be, the cherished wish of my heart, but words of mine are not adequate to express the gratitude I feel for the honour conferred on me by being chosen to propose a resolution to this monster meeting—a meeting whose unanimous voice will condemn any man whose desire is like that of Michael Hickey, to crush the spirit of the poor labourer—the labourer who by the sweat of his brow produces the fruits of the earth. I certainly feel honoured by the warmth of your reception; but by adopting the following resolution you will afford me far more pleasure—”
“That we the young girls of Waterford, Tipperary and Kilkenny resolve and promise this day, before this vast multitude, to treat with scorn and contempt any matrimonial proposals from Michael Hickey, as punishment for his high handed hostility to the poor labourer Burke and his young and helpless family of seven.” (Waterford Standard, 18 September 1885).
Although a large number of evictions and boycotts were reported in the newspapers sometimes evictions did not result in boycotts or other actions by the local Land League Branch. The New Ross Standard of the 17th of June 1893 reported that on the 10th of February 1893 a faction fight took place on the streets of Rosbercon resulting in the arrest of fourteen people including two women. The cause of the faction fight was an eviction in Busherstown, Glenmore in 1891. It does not appear that the Glenmore Land League Branch engaged in boycotting when this eviction took place. However, as illustrated by four other newspaper accounts of assaults and arrests the fighting between the two families continued for some time.
Danny had a mark next to the reference to the following article which provides another example of a creative boycott and the involvement of the clergy in carrying it out. The Kilkenny Moderator of the 2nd of January 1889 reported the following:
“SANGUINARY IN CHAPEL. An extraordinary scene occurred in Dungloe chapel, near Londonderry, before Mass on Sunday last, on two boycotted men named Condy Boyle and Charles Gallagher attempting to take their accustomed seats. At the annual auction of pews on Sunday week the boycotted men had been dispossessed, and their seats given to men who had been imprisoned for refusing to attend the so-called “Star Chamber” inquiry. On the arrival of the opposing factions at the chapel they found the doors locked, and a crowd assembled, which the priest let in through the sacristy until the disputed pews were filled. When the boycotted people entered the gallery they were violently assaulted. Blood flowed freely, eight combatants being injured. The chapel had to be re-consecrated, and the police called in.”
In the twentieth century boycotting was widely used and became an effective means by various groups including civil rights, animals rights, trade unions and environmental groups. Today it continues to be an important means of non-violent protest. However, the more creative 19th century boycotting involving pews and matrimonial proposals appear to be resigned to history alongside pew auctions.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Glenmore Land League Splits
In the previous post we highlighted the first article that appeared in the Wexford People on the 7th of February 1891. After the meeting called by Father Dunphy concluded, a second meeting took place and the excerpts from the newspaper article below details the political division within the parish. Subsequently, for quite some time, the newspapers covered the meetings of the two Glenmore Nationalist Land League groups that emerged from the 7th of February meetings. One group was led by the parish priest and supported McCarthy and the other group continued to support Parnell. The names of 42 attendees at the pro-Parnell second meeting, their respective townlands and professions are listed in the article.
“On Sunday last a meeting of the Glenmore Branch of the Irish National League was to have been held in the League rooms, Glenmore. When the hour of meeting arrived a large concourse of the members from all parts of the parish were present in and around the place of meeting. The Rev. James Dunphy, Adm., took the chair at three o’clock. The room in which the meeting was held was filled, as was also the other portions of the house, while many members were compelled to remain outside for want of room inside. Father Brennan, C.C., Glenmore, was amongst those present. Several members of the old committee, who were supporters of Mr. Parnell, were absent, who were not noticed by the priests to attend.
It is well that the public should fully understand the circumstances connected with the present dispute in Glenmore, and in order that they may do so, it is desirable that the view of those who hold Parnellite ideas should be made public. About a month ago Father Dunphy stated that he would never attend the League room again unless some members of the committee (who gave a report of a meeting to the reporter of the New Ross Standard) signed a document for him stating that what they told the reporter were lies, and apologise to him (the priest) for doing to. This they refused to do, because what they told him was that at a meeting called by Father Dunphy of the Nationalists of the parish the people refused to a resolution of “no confidence” in Mr. Parnell ‘they would not go back of what they told the reporter, and they could not, if they were inclined to do so, after what took place to-day.‘
For some days before this meeting a canvass of the parish was made by the priests, and persons were noticed to attend who were known to have anti-Parnellite feelings, while, even so, with this canvass the vast majority of the people are in favour of Mr. Parnell, as will be shown by to-day’s proceedings.
When the chair was taken it was mentioned that the first business of the meeting was to re-organise the branch, which had been in a disorganised state since last November. It was mentioned that the committee was no longer a committee, and that the officers were no longer officers until the committee and officers were elected constitutionally by ballot. Father Dunphy and the M’Carthyite section of the committee objected to this, and said that the business would be proceeded with, and he then requested Mr. William Forrestal, P.L.G., and others, who were not members of the committee, to retire from the League room, as he said no one but the committee should interfere, in the business to be transacted.
Mr. Forrestal then said that if he retired, Father Brennan, who was never a member of the League at all, not to speak of the committee, should also retire. Mr. Forrestal said he could not have confidence in Father Brennan, because he got the money for the Tenant’s Defence Fund collected in the parish, and instead of sending it where the committee and he agreed to–viz to the joint treasurers, Dr. Kenny and Mr. Webb —he gave it to Father Dunphy, who kept it in his hands alone, and had not even yet sent it on to the proper quarter.
After some pressure from the Parnellites, Mr. Forrestal and others withdrew. A resolution was then proposed by Father Brennan (although he was not a member of the League at all), of “No confidence” in Mr. Parnell. The Nationalists outside groaned on hearing the portion of the resolution which had reference to Mr. Parnell. The excitement and noise increased, the people pushed their way into the League-room, cheering for Mr. Parnell and “the hillside men.” Father Dunphy, Father Brennon., and the following men left the room —Wm. Irish, James Dunne, James Irish, Edmund Haberlin, Wm. Hartley, Walter Grant, John Fitzgerald, and Patrick Kehoe. While these men, with two priests, were leaving there were cheers for Parnell and cries of ” Free election by ballot,” and “We’ll hunt the M’Carthyites,” “Down with Pope Hennessy and his backers,” were given also.
(c) L.C. Dillon 1881
When the priests and the seven or eight M’Carthyites (the full strength of their backers) left, the Parnellites proceeded to hold a meeting, to which all members of the committee present and ordinary members of the branch were invited. Mr. John Hanrahan was called to the chair, which he took amid the cheers of the crowd, which were heard at the police barracks, and it brought down a couple of policemen.
There were more than 100 members of the branch present, amongst whom were the following :—Mesers. Wm. Forrestal, P.L.C.; James Reddy (farmer), Kilbride; Patrick Irish (farmer), Carrigcloney; Patrick Forrestal, Graiguenakill (farmer and miller); Thomas Forrestal, Ballyverneen (farmer); Thomas Aylward , (farmer), Ballinclair ; Micheal Murphy (farmer), Ballinlammy; Richard Mullins (farmer), Gaulstown ; Laurence Mullins (farmer), Gaulstown ; Martin Kennedy (farmer), Ballinclair ; James Mulally (farmer), Davidstown ; Patrick Raftice (farmer), Davidstown ; Patrick Whelan (farmer), Ballinrow; John Verriker (farmer), Davidstown ; Richard Whelan (farmer), Mullinahone ; Patrick McDonald (farmer), Ballinlammy ; Thomas Roche, Coolnaleen (farmer) ; Martin Murphy (farmer), Ballinlammy; John Doherty (farmer), Ballinlammy; Thomas Power, Glenmore (tradesman) ; David Walsh, Graiguenakill (tradesman), Philip Malone, Glenmore (tradesman) ; John Power, Carrigcloney (tradesman); Walter Ryan (tradesman and farmer), Cappagh; John Grace, Forrestalstown (farmer); John Raftice (cattle-dealer), Davidstown ; Thomas Roche, Coolnaleen (farmer) ; Patrick Byrne (laborer), Ballinclair ; Patrick Doherty (labourer), Busherstown ; Thos. Forrestal (farmer and fisherman) Ballyverneen; Thom. Murphy (labourer), Ballyverneen ; John Fleming (labourer), do. ; James Grant, do ; Richard Breen, do. Glenmore; Wm. Young, do, Ballyverneen ; James Walsh, do ; Thomas Haberlin (fisherman), Forrestalstown; Wm. Kirwan (fisherman), Ballyhobuck; Patr. Murphy, Newtown (labourer); William Purcell, do.; Thomas Foran, Mullinahone (laborer). Owing to the crush and excitement it was impossible to get even half the names of those present, and the secretaries beg to offer an apology to any of the Nationalists who were present, and who are not in the above list.
The Chairman briefly addressed the meeting, …the M’Carthyites failed to smash up [the Branch], by refusing to acknowledge the branch on the old lines and under the guidance of the Central Branch of O’Connell-street (hear, hear). Mr. Wm. Forrestal then addressed the meeting, and said that the M’Carthyites had left the League room, and the small following they had showed the way the Nationalists of Glenmore stand with regard to the leadership of Mr. Parnell. He desired to state that he would not be a member of any branch which would not be duly organised and constituted under the rules which always guided the branches of the National League throughout the country. The M’Carthyites , to-day ware afraid to face the election by ballot, because they knew that if they did the Nationalists of Glenmore would not leave a man of them on the committee (hear, bear). Instead of doing that they ordered the members of the branch out, and with a few of their own followers, like a packed jury, they condemned Mr. Parnell. But the Nationalists would blot out that stain, twenty to one (applause), and he defied the few followers of poor old Justin M’Carthy in the parish to go to the ballot-box and they’d see what the members of the League would do. Outside the M’Carthyites, who are on the committee, the people who are opposed to Mr. Parnell in this parish are the people who were always “opposed to him,”… But the cause of the Parnellites was the old cause, their leader was the old leader—the leader of 100 battles (cheers), and not an old fogie after tea-parties like McCarthy, a man who, in the novels he wrote for the English people, sneered at the Fenians of Ireland and the hillside men, because he knew it would please the Saxons who were buying his books (groans).
(National Library of Ireland)
Mr. Patrick Irish proposed the following resolution” That at this meeting of the representatives of the Nationalists of Glenmore we hereby declare our unabated confidence in Charles Stewart Parnell, as the incomparable and incorruptible loader of the Irish Parliamentary Party and of the Irish race all over the world, and we further proclaim it to be our earnest and unalterable conviction that now more than ever the manhood of Ireland are bound by a patriotic duty to stand unswervingly by the principle of independent action in things political, and should not submit to any dictation, no matter from what source proceeding. That we hereby pledge ourselves to support and assist any movement for the relief of the wounded soldiers in the battle against landlordism, viz.—the evicted tenants of Ireland. That we call upon all Nationalists of this pariah to enrol their names as members of this branch of the Irish Nationalist League.” Mr. Reddy seconded this, which was passed unanimously, with loud mad prolonged cheers for Mr. Parnell. …
It was ordered that reports of this meeting be sent to The New Ross Standard, United Ireland, and the Freeman’s Journal. Messr. Patrick Irish and William Forrestal ware appointed secretaries pro tem to this meeting. The next meeting of this branch will be held at 3 o’clock on the first Sunday in March, with the election of a committee will be proceeded with, and steps taken to work the branch as usual. The meeting dispersed with cheers for Parnell.
[Editorial note: Danny Dowling on 7 March 2020 explained that the League met in his house. At the time John Hanrahan occupied the house. Danny’s great-aunt Mary Hanrahan née Murphy left the house and fields to Danny’s mother Hannah Dowling née Murphy. Danny was born in his present house, and the family moved to Jamestown when he was “a chap.”]
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh