19th Century
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Dr. James Butler Norris Cane (c. 1840-1906)
In 1867, Dr. James Butler Norris Cane (c.1840-1906) became the Kilmakevogue Dispensary doctor. From 1867 until his retirement in 1900, Dr. James Cane attended to the poor of the very large Kilmakevogue Dispensary area which included most of the parish of Glenmore and also treated private patients in the area. Dispensary doctors are said to have had a difficult and thankless job and an examination of his early paternal influence may provide an understanding of his dedication to his professional duties often in the face of extreme interference by Poor Law Guardians.
Dr. James Cane was the son of Alderman Robert Cane, M.D. (1807-1858) and his Protestant wife. Dr. James Cane was born and raised in Kilkenny City, and he had at least four brothers. Richard and Francis became doctors, and Robert Jr. became an army officer. His father, Alderman Robert Cane, was a doctor with a thriving private practice that included the Butler family of Kilkenny Caste, but he was also the Medical Officer for the Kilkenny Poor Union (Waterford Chronicle, 27 June 1906).
In addition to medicine, Dr. Robert Cane, was involved in politics and became a leading figure in the Young Ireland Movement. In July 1848 the Tablet newspaper of London printed that Dr. Robert Cane, of Kilkenny, handed in a list of 1,700 men, including the mayor of the city and three magistrates, stating that English Parliament offered sufficient proof of the “utter hopelessness of looking to it for either justice or good government.” Dr. Robert Cane was a magistrate and was stripped of his office. On the 31st of July, Dr. Robert Cane was arrested in the middle of the night under the Habeas Corpus Act (Cork Examiner, 2 Aug. 1848). During his imprisonment in the Kilkenny gaol his third son Edward became ill. The authorities refused to allow him to see or treat his child, and Edward died on 2 November 1848 (Freeman’s Journal, 4 Nov. 1848). The citizens of Kilkenny were outraged.
Ultimately Dr. Robert Cane was released after several months, without any charges having been made against him. He was elected Alderman a post which he held until his death. He was also elected Mayor. Due to his popularity, for a week prior to his death the newspapers carried updates on his illness. He died on 17 August 1858 (Cork Examiner, 23 Aug. 1858). One newspaper reported that he died of kidney disease (Waterford Mail, 19 Aug. 1858, yet it has also been stated that he died from consumption. Dr. Robert Cane is buried in St. John’s Cemetery on Maudlin Street, Kilkenny. In 1874 a large memorial was placed on his grave (Kilkenny Moderator, 12 Dec. 1874). Among other achievements, Dr. Robert Cane was the editor of the Celt and wrote The History of the Williamite and Jacobite Wars in Ireland: From Their Origin to the Capture of Athlone. This book was published shortly after his death.
At the time of Dr. Robert Cane’s death he had not made sufficient financial provision for his young family and a subscription appeal was published as well as an auction was held to sell off various personal property including his horse and car and silver household items (Kilkenny Journal & Leinster Commercial & Literary Advertiser, 15 Sept. 1858 & 6 Oct. 1858). The eldest son, Dr. Richard Cane applied in September 1858 to his father’s post as medical officer for the Kilkenny Union, but he was not successful. It was noted by the Poor Law Guardians of Kilkenny that he obtained his diploma from the Edinburgh Medical School on 8 May 1858 (Kilkenny Journal & Leinster Commercial & Literary Advertiser, 4 Sept. 1858).
In the 19th century work of a doctor was difficult. Doctors were called to the sick at all times of the day and night and in rural districts a doctor could be required to travel miles to a patient. Often dispensary doctors caught the illnesses and diseases in the district. An ill dispensary doctor was required to pay for his replacement, however by 1875 it was reported that a dispensary doctor was entitled to up to a month if ill, but thereafter would be required to pay for his replacement (Waterford Standard, 16 Oct. 1875). In February 1862, Dr. B. C. Fitzpatrick, the relieving medical officer in Mullinavat wrote to the Guardians outlining the “malignant fever epidemic” that killed the district’s medical officer, the Catholic Curate and nearly killed himself (Waterford News, 7 Feb. 1862). In 1865, Dr. MacCabe, the Medical Officer in Mullinavat contracted typhus and no replacement doctor could be found (Kilkenny Moderator, 11 Feb. 1865). One of Dr. Cane’s first reports contains reference to treating 14 typhoid cases in the district in 1868 (Kilkenny Moderator, 17 Feb. 1869).
Shortly after Dr. James Cane took up his post he married Mary Carroll on 10 August 1869 at St. John’s in Waterford. His bride was the daughter of Thomas Carroll, a deceased merchant. At the time of her marriage, Mary Carroll, was the Matron of the Waterford Leper Hospital, which was located on John’s Hill (Waterford Chronicle, 27 June 1906.)
In that same year Dr. Cane encountered interference concerning the treatment of a patient from one of the Guardians. Dr. Cane wrote to the Board stating that he did not think that he was required to follow the directions of any Guardian with respect to a patient (Waterford Standard, 9 Oct. 1869). This appears to have been the beginning of a power struggle between some of the Guardians and Dr. Cane. Dr. Cane openly defied some Guardians who expected the doctor to drop everything when they issued a red ticket. A few of the Guardians began to report alleged complaints made by patients concerning Dr. Cane. Commencing in 1872 complaints regarding Dr. Cane’s attendance at the dispensaries as well as the language he used were reported. Although the Guardians found that the matters raised were trivial at least three of the Guardians were vocal and accusatory. Even the Glenmore parish priest at the time, Rev. James Aylward wrote to the Guardians complaining that Dr. Cane had failed to attend the Glenmore dispensary on the 21st of January 1873 as well as having not addressed housing and other sanitary issues. An exasperated Dr. Cane, wrote to the Guardians noting that he was not the sanitation officer and explained that he was ill on the 21st. He asked the Guardians to split the large Kilmackevogue district into thirds and give Rev. Aylward to one of the new hired doctors. (Waterford Chronicle, 8 Feb. 1873). The district was not split.
For a couple of years Dr. Cane on almost a monthly basis replied to one alleged complaint after another. He sought a sworn inquiry to face the accusations. The complaints became more outrageous. At one point Dr. Cane was accused of telling a man he would castrate him. When Dr. Cane requested the dates of the alleged conduct the accusing Guardian refused to provide it. In August 1875, the Secretary of the Local Government Board advised the Kilmakevogue Dispensary committee that after considering the many charges brought against Dr. Cane it declined to grant any sworn inquiry (Waterford Standard, 11 August 1875).
Eventually Dr. Cane sued William Raftis, a Guardian from Mullinavat, for slander. The case was heard by the Queen’s Bench in Dublin in December 1875. It was alleged that the defendant, William Raftis was a large farmer who subjected Dr. Cane to relentless persecution in an effort to destroy his reputation. Raftis denied he uttered the words alleged and if he did utter the words they were true in substance or he was protected by privilege as he was elected. During a two day trial, one witness after another stated that Raftis had been abusive, and had set out to ruin Dr. Cane. One woman who had allegedly told Raftis that Dr. Cane verbally abused her testified that Dr. Cane had never used abusive language in her hearing. The Court rendered a verdict finding Raftis liable. Damages were awarded of £500.
Thereafter very little is reported in the newspapers except from time to time temporary replacements were appointed for Dr. Cane due to illnesses or accidents he suffered. He was granted leave in 1888 (Waterford Standard, 29 Sept. 1889) and in late June 1895 local newspapers reported that Dr. JBN Cane was better. He had suffered an “excessive attack of bronchitis” (Waterford Mirror and Tramore Visitor, 4 July 1895). In 1899, Dr. Cane suffered injuries with a horse and car. He was off work for four months and applied for two more months (Waterford Standard, 2 Dec. 1899). Dr. Cane retired in 1900 after, it was stated, 38 years of service. It was agreed that a sum between £7O and £8O a year superannuation to Dr. Cane be recommended for approval to the Local Government Board (Irish Independent, 1 Feb. 1900). Dr. Cane was awarded the largest pension from the Board of Guardians which the regulation permitted. (Waterford Chronicle, 27 June 1906). Only one candidate sought Dr. Cane’s position at his retirement. Dr. W. White was hired at the rate of £120 per year plus £2O for vaccination fees.
After his retirement Dr. Cane and his family moved to Dublin. The 1901 Census indicates that Dr. Cane was living in Dublin with his wife, Mary Joseph and daughter Catherine Frances, age 26. Dr. Cane lists himself as a medical professional of the Royal College of Surgeons. Also residing in the home is a boarder, Henry Burke, who was 21 years of age, was born in County Mayo, and was a medical student. When his son, Dr. Richard James Cane, obtained the medical officer post for the Swinford Union in County Mayo in 1902, Dr. Cane and his family moved to County Mayo. Dr. Cane died there on 22 June 1906, aged 66.
On 20 May 1910, Dr. Cane’s youngest brother, Dr. Frank Cane, a Division Surgeon of the London Metropolitan police, died at Edmonton, London. The last surviving brother was listed as Lieut. Colonel Robert Cane, R.H.A. (Royal Horse Artillery), Blackheath, London. The 1911 Census of Kilmore, Urlur, Mayo provides that Dr. Cane’s widow, son and daughter were still living in Mayo. In late 1912, Dr. Richard James Cane resigned his position as medical officer of the Swinford Union (Kilkenny Moderator, 30 Nov. 1912). Dr. Cane’s widow, Mary Joseph Cane, died at Rathmines, South Dublin on 12 February 1916 at the Harold’s Cross Hospice. Her death cert provides that she was the widow of a doctor, and died of cancer of the liver. An address is recorded as 156 Old Ford Road, London. In the index of Wills of the National Archive of Ireland, William F. Delaney is listed as her primary heir.
An obituary for Dr. Cane appeared in the Waterford Chronicle of 27 June 1906 and provides a fitting conclusion
“As a professional man he was clever, and he possessed a kindly heart for the poor. He has been known at dead of night, in slush and rain, to travel miles on foot to the relief of a suffering patient, and to find himself abused next morning for not coming in time, an accusation which he bore with the most perfect equanimity. The late Dr Cane was a careful student of national history, a lover of birds and animals, and an expert in their habits. He was first to, herald in the local newspapers the coming of the pioneer swallow, and the first primrose by the river’s brim. He was a book lover as well, and his fondness of archaeological works was such that he accumulated a valuable collection of old books and records, which we hope have not been carelessly dissipated.”
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
The Glenmore Dispensary
Prior to the Poor Law Act of 1838, a dispensary doctor could be employed for the giving of medicine and advice free to the poor. However, to pay for the service local donations were collected and the grand jury, which today would be similar to a County Council, was required to match the donations with local taxes. In general, there were few dispensaries and they were unevenly spread across pre-famine Ireland. The Poor Law Act of 1838 divided Ireland into 130 administrative units called Poor Law Unions. This Act is often cited as the first real effort to put in place a public health system. Each Union had its own workhouse governed by the Poor Law Guardians who were elected by the rate payers. The existing dispensaries were now run by the Guardians and new dispensaries were established.
The dispensary system generated a substantial amount of criticism. Although the Guardians were elected they were all men and came from the upper classes. As highlighted in our last post, the Guardians “elected” the medical staff to treat the poor within their districts. The newspapers are full of reports of conflicts between Guardians over these “elections.” Other controversies arose around decisions regarding the award of contracts as well as to who was eligible for free services, and the nature of the free services.
In general, for medical treatment a ticket system was utilised. The Guardians were each issued with a ticket book. The Guardian would scrutinise the request for services and issue a ticket if he deemed it appropriate. In many cases the persons seeking medical services had to ask their landlord for a ticket. A black ticket entitled the recipient to see the doctor in the dispensary, and a red ticket entitled the recipient to have the doctor call to the recipient’s home. The red ticket was meant to convey urgency, and the doctor would be required to attend the patient as soon as able.
There are numerous complaints of favourtism and graft surrounding the dispensary ticket system. Around the turn of the 20th Century due to the ongoing abuse of the system auditors were appointed by the Government. Any Poor Law Guardian wrongfully providing “outdoor relief” or dispensary tickets to a person not eligible was made to bear the cost of the support wrongly provided. Outdoor relief was support provided without requiring the person to enter the workhouse. Due to the stigma attached to entering the workhouse outdoor relief was preferred by the poor and discouraged by the authorities. The workhouse and Poor Law Union system were not abolished until after Irish Independence in 1922. The dispensary system, for the provision of medical services, continued until 1972 when the medical card was introduced. Today, Danny Dowling related that when he was about 13 (around 1940) he was asked to take a ticket to Rosbercon to get Dr. Fitzgerald for an elderly neighbour. The Greens, of Jamestown, were in charge of the tickets, and Danny rode his bicycle to Rosbercon.
In terms of the parish of Glenmore during the Poor Law Union it was in the Kilmakevogue Dispensary District which fell under the control of the Waterford Poor Law Union. The workhouses of the Waterford Union were all located in Waterford. A description of the vastness of the Kilmakevogue Dispensary District was articulated by the Glenmore Parish Priest, Rev. Robert Phelan, in 1912 when he was seeking a fairer proportion of medical services for the poor of Slieverue and Glenmore.
“It is 18 Irish miles long, extending from a point near Harristown; five miles north of Mullinavat village to the Barrow; 13 Irish miles south of Mullinavat, and varies in breadth from Lukeswell to Kilmacow village, from the bounds of New Ross to Slieverue village and from Ballyverneen Pill to Ballinlaw Ferry. It includes the greater part of the parish of Glenmore, a part of Slieverue and Kilmacow parishes, and all Mullinavat parish, and is intersected by the Bishop’s Mountain, which forms a natural barrier dividing Glenmore parish from Mullinavat parish, thus cutting off all traffic between the parishes. The extent and general hilly formation of the district make it impossible for one doctor to work it without very great hardship to his patients and himself and at a cost for car hire almost equal to his salary. The roads are soft and bad, and after heavy rain almost dangerous to traffic…” (New Ross Standard—Friday, 13 Dec. 1912).
Today, Danny stated that he believes that there was no dispensary in Glenmore until the 1840’s. A newspaper article in 1846 supports this observation as a Glenmore district was formed when the Guardians agreed to appoint Dr. Boyd to the Kilcolum, Kilbride and Rathpatrick electoral divisions within the Kilmakevogue Dispensary district (Waterford Chronicle, 27 May 1846). On 14 October 1853, an advertisement appeared in the Waterford News seeking a medical officer for the Kilmackevogue Dispensary District. The salary was £80 a year and the area to be covered was 30,000 acres, with a population of 8,000. The election for the post was to take place at Glenmore on the 1st of November 1853. Candidates were instructed to send their qualifications to Robert Grant, Honorary Secretary, of Haggard, Glenmore.
Danny believes that the first dispensary was located in attached premises adjoining the Gaffney shop and currently the end of Danny’s house in the Village. However, Danny stated that an old man years ago told him that the dispensary was once located in an outbuilding near where the current Glenmore Pub is located. The Waterford News of 18 September 1857 provides an account of the report of Dr. Purcell, the medical inspector. When Dr. Purcell went to visit the Glenmore dispensary he found that it had been converted into a public house, by the owner and caretaker. Unfortunately, the owner is not identified. The room where the committee held their meetings was converted to a whiskey shop and the patients’ room was a drinking room. This conversion had been done with the “approbation of the managing committee.” The Guardians were requested to immediately provide other and more suitable premises for a Glenmore dispensary.
Whether the Gaffney dispensary was the first or second dispensary is not known, however, by 1874 Gaffney was reported in the newspapers as being the caretaker of the Glenmore dispensary. Mr. Duggan, the Guardian, proposed that the salary of Nicholas Gaffney, the caretaker of the Glenmore dispensary, be raised from 9d a month to 16d per month. Dr. Mackesy, of Waterford, seconded the motion and it passed with one dissenting vote.
Eventually, due to the fact that the Kilmakevogue Dispensary district was so large dispensary buildings were established at Mullinavat, Slieverue and Glenmore. The doctor established hours at the various dispensaries and did his best to respond to the needs of the poor in the district. The dispensary doctor was required to provide and pay for his own horse and car. Danny does not believe that a dispensary doctor ever lived in Glenmore. The doctors were generally based in Mullinavat, and over the years much has been written about the poor quality of the house provided to the dispensary doctor in Mullinavat. The work of the dispensary doctor has been described as a hopeless and thankless job (John Dorney, A Hopeless and Thankless Job: The Dispensary Doctor in Ireland (2017) available at https://www.theirishstory.com/2019/12/13/a-hopeless-and-thankless-job-the-dispensary-doctor-in-ireland/#.XqQyCGhKhPY. ) The next post will highlight the trials and tribulations of Dr. James Butler Norris Cane who for 38 years was the dispensary doctor of Glenmore.
In 1906 P.N. O’Gorman & Co., of New Ross, purchased the premises of Nicholas Gaffney and was prepared to take over the Glenmore dispensary and caretaking on the same terms. This was accepted by the Guardians. (Waterford Standard, 31 March 1906). In June 1908 the medical inspector issued a report concerning the poor condition of the Slieverue and Glenmore dispensaries. Repairs were immediately commenced in both dispensaries and it was reported that the Glenmore dispensary was temporarily moved to allow for the repairs.
By August there was an open and very public dispute with the newspaper labelling the meeting of the Guardians as heated. The dispute centred on whether the dispensary should remain where it had been or move. It was agreed to put in place a Glenmore Committee to review and make recommendations. Only after the committee was agreed was a letter from Robert Fluskey provided to the Guardians. Fluskey offered a detached house with sanitary accommodation and stabling for the doctor’s horse at the rent of £3, 17s., 6d.. P.N. O’Gorman was getting £13. Various Guardians expressed outrage that the letter was withheld and the arguments erupted again. (Waterford Standard, 22 August 1908). Eventually the Glenmore committee met and more battles took place until it was agreed to recommend to the Guardians that the dispensary stay in the P.N. O’Gorman building with extensive repairs and improvements being carried out at the landlord’s expense. (Waterford Standard, 19 September 1908). This dispensary was later incorporated into the end of Danny’s house.
Danny believes that the last dispensary that was built on the hill (just above the barracks) in the late 1940’s. Prior to it being built a temporary dispensary was on that spot until the new one was built. After 1974 the last dispensary was used infrequently by the public health nurse until it was eventually sold around 2000 and became a house.
The featured photo is a Google Earth view of Glenmore Village.
Further reading: Brian Donnelly, “The Historical Development of Irish Hospitals and the Importance of their Records,” in National Archives, Survey of Hospital Archives in Ireland (2016) p. 5-10 available at https://www.nationalarchives.ie/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/PRF_106780_SURVEY_OF_HOSPITAL_BOOK_V7.pdf
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Tragedy and Perseverance on Both Sides of the Atlantic
A recent query from a young reader caused further research into Laurence “Larry” Duggan (1832-1905) born and raised in Ballinaraha, Glenmore. In the U.S. most of the records are in the name “Lawrence or Larry Dugan” and in Ireland most of the records record his name as “Laurence Duggan.” According to the 1900 New York Census, “Lawrence Dugan” of Babcock Hill, Bridgewater, Oneida County, New York was a farmer, 68 years of age and a widower. He reported that he was born in Ireland in February 1832, immigrated to the US in 1853, and was a naturalised U.S. citizen. What makes Laurence Duggan unusual is the fact that at the age of 72 he returned to Glenmore to visit his family and drowned in St. John’s River in Waterford City in early 1905.
The Inquest
On Tuesday the 24th of January 1905, the body of what was described as a middle-aged man was pulled out of St. Catherine’s Pill in Waterford City near the bridge at the courthouse grounds. The Waterford Chronical newspaper of 25th of January 1905, wrongly identified the remains of those of Martin Duggan, a returned American. “The circumstances concerning his death are involved in mystery, but the Constabulary entertain no suspicion of foul play.” The alleged mystery is never explained, but it is reported that some letters were found on the body which showed that the deceased was attempting to have his return ticket to New York extended. His return ticket was due to expire in February and he sought the assistance of Messrs. Ward Bros., the general Emigration and Shipping Agents, of 2 Barronstrand Street, Waterford. A review of the Waterford City Directory of 1900 indicates that the Ward Bros. also conducted a saddlery business at those premises.
Although the name of Lawrence Duggan’s brother is not provided in the newspapers account of the inquest, based on the 1901 census, it is believed he was staying at his brother Peter Duggan’s home in Ballinaraha, Glenmore. Peter and Larry’s sister, Margaret Duggan was the second wife of Martin Murphy, of Ballinlammy, Glenmore. Martin Murphy and Margaret Duggan Murphy were the parents of Michael Murphy. Based on the 1901 Census, Martin Murphy was dead and his widow, Margaret was 75 years of age in 1901. Michael Murphy was 45 and his wife Mary was 28. According to the Diary of James Aylward, of Ballyhobuck, Glenmore, Michael Murphy and his wife Mary were married in February 1901.
During the course of the inquest into the death of Lawrence Duggan it was noted that money was found on the deceased when he was pulled from the water. The police were directed to give the money to Michael Murphy to bury his uncle. A witness, James J. McKenna, of 38 Johnstown Road, Waterford testified that he was coming home through the Park on Monday night about 6.30 o’clock and entered the park at the gate lodge. He saw a man who walked past him and when he glanced at the man he was standing at a tree near the bank of the river near the lavatory. When the witness got to the park fountain he heard a splash and cries of “Help, help!.” The witness raised the alarm and sought help from another man because witness could not swim. He saw the man in the water give a couple of “kicks” but was pulled out by the tide and disappeared.
Dr. J. H. Kelleher testified that he viewed the body in the morgue, and with the exception of a few scratches on the face, which were possibly caused at the time of death, there were no marks of violence. In his opinion death was due suffocation through drowning. The third witness at the inquest was Owen Long, of Miller’s Marsh, who testified that he found the body at John’s Bridge at 11: 30 o’clock on Tuesday morning. A verdict of death by accidental drowning was returned, but a rider was added calling on the ” responsible authorities” to provide more protection along this portion of the river.
Life in the US
A search revealed that a Laurence Duggan sailed on a ship called the Laurence Forristal from Waterford and arrived in New York on the 20th of May 1853. The records provide that he was 25 years of age. Laurence Duggan married his wife Anna, another Irish immigrant, and their first child, Richard Dugan was born in Albany, New York in 1856. By 1860 the family was in Schoharie County, New York and a second son, John, was born in 1858. In 1863 Laurence registered for the draft. He reported that he was 32 years of age, married, and worked as a labourer. A James Dugan, age 34, is also on the list. It appears that Laurence did not serve in the Union Army during the Civil War. By 1870 the family was resident in Bridgewater, Oneida County, New York. Laurence had purchased a farm and he and Anna had 7 children: Richard Dugan, 13; John Dugan, age 12; Mary Dugan, age 9; James Dugan, age 7; Thomas Dugan, age 5; Maggie Dugan, age 3 and Annie Duggan, age 1. At least one more child was born to the couple, Ellen “Nellie” Dugan was born in April 1878. Unfortunately, the 1890 Federal Census was destroyed by fire.
There are several farm related documents in state records submitted by “Larry Dugan” of Babcock Hill, Bridgewater, Oneida County, New York. By 1900 Anna had died as well as their eldest son, Richard Dugan (1856-1890); and it appears that Mary Dugan may have died of TB on the 8th of July 1874. In the 1900 Census Laurence is 68 and living on his farm with his daughter, Margaret who is 26, his son Thomas who is 35 and his married daughter Nellie Kelly who married in 1898 to James Kelly. Nellie is 23 and James is 33. In October 1904 Laurence Dugan set off, apparently on his own, to Glenmore, Co. Kilkenny, Ireland. He never returned to his home or children in New York state. Laurence Duggan left an estate in New York and his Will was duly probated in Oneida County.
In an attempt to discover how or if the news of his tragic drowning was reported in New York a different tragedy was discovered in the Boston Globe edition of the 19th of March 1906. At the Dugan Farm on Babcock Hill, Bridgewater, Oneida County, New York, Thomas Dugan awoke to find the farmhouse on fire shortly before midnight. He raised the alarm and the newspaper account reports that he perished while saving the others in the house. His sister Maggie, after escaping the smoke filled house, dressed only in a nightdress ran barefooted in the snow half a mile to a neighbour seeking help. His sister Nellie and her husband James gathered their two small children and also escaped the burning house. A 14 year old farm worker who was sleeping upstairs escaped by knocking out the window and jumping. The Dugan family lost their brother, home and possessions, but the 1940 Census reveals that Margaret Dugan was still operating the dairy farm. Ellen “Nellie” Duggan Kelly died on 1 May 1936. Nellie’s children in 1940 were residing on the Dugan Farm with Margaret. Margaret Dugan lived to the age of 86 and died on the 12th of December 1961.
Shortly after Laurence Dugan’s drowning death in January 1905 his sister Margaret Duggan Murphy died in May 1905. His brother Peter Duggan died in 1911. (DD Notebook 2, Interview of Hannah Murphy Dowling). Tragically his nephew, Michael Murphy, of Ballinlammy, Glenmore died suddenly on the 11th of November 1909 leaving his widow, Mary with 6 young children after eight years of marriage. In the 1911 Census Maggie Murphy was 9, Hannah Murphy was 8, Mai Murphy was 6, Martin Murphy was 5, Bridget Murphy was 3 and Michael Murphy was 1. Young Hannah Murphy above was Danny Dowling’s mother.
The featured portion of a modern map of the City of Waterford is included to illustrate the area of the park and St. John’s River which empties into the tidal River Suir.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
“They Are Too Clever In Glenmore”
Last week we highlighted the case of Mrs. Connolly who was charged and acquitted in 1906 of operating a shebeen from her home in Graiguenakill, Glenmore. Other Glenmore residents were not so lucky when charged. In addition to the cases themselves, the newspaper articles that Danny Dowling researched, concerning Glenmore inhabitants charged with operating or frequenting a “shebeen” provide details regarding life in Glenmore over a hundred years ago.
Bridget Whelan, alias Biddy “the Flies” Whelan
The Waterford Standard of the 21st of August 1880 reported that on the 17th of August two sub-constables were on patrol in Rochestown and while walking toward Ballyhobuck they observed a “suspicious looking woman” driving a donkey and cart. She was observed to make repeated trips to the ditch and communicate with three men who were working in a field. They followed the woman, who was identified as Bridget Whelan, alias Biddy “the Flies” Whelan, of Ballyhobuck. While one of the constables went to Glenmore Village the other remained observing Biddy’s abode referred to as a “hut.” Constable Heffernan, [editor’s note—Heffernan was locally referred to as Micky the Rat] procured the warrant and armed with it they searched Biddy’s house and found 76 porter bottles empties, and tumblers. Undaunted Biddy carried on selling beer and was observed on the 19th of August walking in front of a cart which held a load of grain and a sack on top of the grain. The Glenmore constables followed her into the yard of William Roche, of Scartnamore, where they searched the sack and found 36 large bottles of stout. (Waterford Standard, 25 August 1880).
On the 4th of September 1880 it was reported in the Waterford Standard that Biddy plead guilty to four offences. In total 139 bottles were seized from Biddy. It was reported that she had been shebeening for about five months, but the police stated that it “was next to impossible to catch her” because she hid her stock in fields. At a funeral it was reported that she sold seven dozen bottles of porter. Biddy told the magistrate that she was a poor widow and asked if she could be let off. This was denied and she was fined £2 and costs, or one month’s imprisonment in the first case with the same penalty to apply in the other cases or £8 in all, or in default four month’s imprisonment.
The Second Offence in Weatherstown
In 1893 another Glenmore inhabitant was charged for operating a shebeen in his home in Weatherstown. This was the defendant’s second offence. The Kilkenny Moderator of 12 April 1893 reported that Sergeant John Bergin, RIC Glenmore summoned a feeble old man for an offence under the Shebeening Act and also charged him for having been convicted previously for a similar offence a year earlier on the 9th of January 1892. Surprisingly the name of the defendant is never stated in the article. Sergeant Bergin testified that on the 25th of March 1893 he went to the defendant’s home in Weatherstown Village and found a quarter cask of Strangman’s beer with a keeler under the tap and a quart measuring jug. Present in the house were Luke Roche, of Ballycurran and Maurice Cody, of Ballycroney. A glass of beer was near Maurice Cody’s leg. The defendant plead guilty to the charges and told the magistrate that a friend sent it to him because he was going into hospital. He decided to sell some of the beer to earn a few pennies.
Sergeant Bergin testified that the police received several complaints about this house. The defendant was a shoemaker but had not worked in 14 years. [Editor’s note—the first old age pension did not commence until 1909.] The defendant was described by Sergeant Bergin as being delicate. However, because this was his second offence the Magistrate said he did not have any discretion and imposed a fine of £5 and costs or three months imprisonment. The defendant on hearing the fine exclaimed, “God save us! I will never find it.” Upon hearing the alternative was three months imprisonment he stated, “Begorra if I go to gaol sir, I won’t come out.” The Magistrate informed the defendant that he could “memorialise” the Lord Lieutenant, and he might reduce it. Maurice Cody was fined 5s. and costs for being on the premises drinking.
Mrs. Mary Power and her neighbour William Purcell, of Kilmakevogue
Just two years after Mrs. Connolly, of Graiguenakill, was acquitted of operating a shebeen from her home, Mrs. Mary Power, of Kilmakevogue was charged with the same offence and with the same solicitor attempted to successfully use the same defence. The Magistrate was again Mr. Brehon. The newspaper article covering the trial may be found in the Wexford People (19 Feb. 1908) as well as the New Ross Standard (21 Feb. 1908). It was noted during Mrs. Power’s trial that “the clergy of Glenmore were denouncing these shebeens Sunday after Sunday off the altar,” however the police were getting very little assistance from the people.
Sergeant Power, of the Glenmore RIC testified that on Saturday the 8th of February with a warrant he went to search Mrs. Mary Power’s house in Kilmakevogue. When he arrived he watched the house for some time and observed the defendant and another woman in the lane next to the house. It appeared that the other woman was drunk. When he served the warrant he found Mrs. Power in the house with her son, John Barry along with James Gaul, of Carrigcloney; Edward Hogan, of Carrigcloney, and John Power, of Robinstown.
While Sergeant Power was asking Mrs. Power how much drink she had in the house the man who lived in the same building, William Purcell came into Mrs. Power’s house. Although William Purcell was told not to leave he left. The Sergeant followed him and found him rattling bottles under an old bed. A search of Mrs. Power’s house only revealed six bottles of stout. She said that they were all for her son John Barry who called each night. When she was told that she was being charged she began to “roar and bawl and said, ‘I will not go to the court. Forgive me this time, and I will never bring a bottle into the house again.’” She said the men came to her house to get shaved.
During the trial Sergeant Power stated that he had been watching the house on ten occasions and on the 21st of January, a young woman named McDonald went to the door and asked the defendant if all the porter was gone. When this occurred Sergeant Power could see four or five men in the house talking loudly. He did not have a warrant, so he continued to observe. Eventually James Gaul, of Carrigcloney and another man he did not know left the house and when they passed his hiding place he stated that they had been drinking.
Solicitor Langrishe again queried if six bottles of stout is a proper stock for a shebeen. However, this time when it was mentioned that the stock was being delivered by a bread van Sergeant Power pointed out that the van belonged to Breen’s of Waterford who also had a public house. When asked why the police did not have any evidence such as glasses the officer that accompanied Sergeant Power exclaimed, “They are too clever in Glenmore.” Apparently if the officer is to be believed evidence was hidden or removed while the two officers were present.
During the testimony of Mrs. Power’s son, John Barry, it was revealed that he worked as a labourer for Mr. Barron and lived at his place of work. He earned 5s. per week and he gave his wages to his mother for the upkeep of herself and his brother. With his wages she purchased beer for him. He visited her home every evening. He said that while Mr. Barron provided food and shelter he did not provide “refreshments.” When it was pointed out that his wages wouldn’t cover his mother, brother and the beer purchased he replied that his mother’s husband was away in England working and sent her money also.
Edward Hogan, testified that he was a labourer working for Mr. Cody. He often rambled up to Mrs. Power’s house with John Barry and had never been given drink at Mrs. Power’s house. John Power, of Robinstown testified that he habitually purchased a cask of beer in Ross and had no need to visit a shebeen. He was present on the 8th of February to cut John Barry’s hair. James Gaul it was reported worked for the Widow Cody. During cross examination he stated that he was not present at Mrs. Power’s on the 21st of January when he was present. The Chairman expressed anger and stated that Gaul’s testimony should be brought to the attention of the authorities for a perjury charge.
Mrs. Power was found guilty and fined £2 and costs of 3s. Alternatively two months imprisonment with hard labour.
The second defendant was William Purcell, who was described as a very old man. A review of the 1901 Census reveals that William Purcell was 60 in 1901 or 67 in 1908. He too was prosecuted for shebeening. Mr. Langrish defended. Sergeant Power stated that on the night he was searching Mrs. Murphy’s (sic) house he had a warrant for Mr. Purcell’s house and found eight large full bottles of stout under an old bed. Mr. Purcell tried to cover them with an old sack. In the article the houses are said to be in the same building. Sergeant Power asked Purcell to account for the stout, and Purcell said he had them to take to warm him going to bed at night.
Mr. Langrishe said the old man’s statement to him was that his granddaughter paid for the stout to have them for his son-in-law, who was coming on a visit from Kilmoganny. Sergeant Power said he believed the case was part parcel of the other, and that Purcell was keeping the stout for Mrs. Murphy.(sic) If Purcell had the stout for legal purposes, why hide it? Purcell had no previous conviction. Mr. Langrishe pleaded that Purcell was a very poor man, and on outdoor relief. The Chairman said they would take a lenient view of this case, as they believed it was part and parcel of the other case, and that the porter was sold at Murphy’s house. Mr. Purcell was fined £1 and 3s. costs. Defendant denied that he sold a bottle of stout in his life.
Lastly, John Power, of Robinstown, Edward Hogan, of Carrigcloney, and James Gaul, of Carrigcloney were all convicted for being on shebeen premises. Power and Gaul were each fined the full penalty of 40s. each or 1 month’s imprisonment with hard labour and Edward Hogan was fined 10s, 6d or fourteen days imprisonment.
[Note added 5 April 2020: Both newspapers referred to Mrs. Murphy in the prosecution of Purcell rather than Mrs. Power. Believing that this error may have been caused by another case, a newspaper search for a Glenmore resident named Murphy charged with shebeening revealed an article in the New Ross Standard of 25 August 1905. Patrick Murphy, of Kilmakevoge, Glenmore was a labouer and tradesman and was charged with shebeening when 9 bottles were found in his home. The case was dismissed when it was revealed that he worked in Ferrybank, earned 18s. per week, only his wife and 9 year old son were in the house when the warrant was served and he could afford the drink found in his home.]
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Glenmore Land League Splits
In the previous post we highlighted the first article that appeared in the Wexford People on the 7th of February 1891. After the meeting called by Father Dunphy concluded, a second meeting took place and the excerpts from the newspaper article below details the political division within the parish. Subsequently, for quite some time, the newspapers covered the meetings of the two Glenmore Nationalist Land League groups that emerged from the 7th of February meetings. One group was led by the parish priest and supported McCarthy and the other group continued to support Parnell. The names of 42 attendees at the pro-Parnell second meeting, their respective townlands and professions are listed in the article.
“On Sunday last a meeting of the Glenmore Branch of the Irish National League was to have been held in the League rooms, Glenmore. When the hour of meeting arrived a large concourse of the members from all parts of the parish were present in and around the place of meeting. The Rev. James Dunphy, Adm., took the chair at three o’clock. The room in which the meeting was held was filled, as was also the other portions of the house, while many members were compelled to remain outside for want of room inside. Father Brennan, C.C., Glenmore, was amongst those present. Several members of the old committee, who were supporters of Mr. Parnell, were absent, who were not noticed by the priests to attend.
It is well that the public should fully understand the circumstances connected with the present dispute in Glenmore, and in order that they may do so, it is desirable that the view of those who hold Parnellite ideas should be made public. About a month ago Father Dunphy stated that he would never attend the League room again unless some members of the committee (who gave a report of a meeting to the reporter of the New Ross Standard) signed a document for him stating that what they told the reporter were lies, and apologise to him (the priest) for doing to. This they refused to do, because what they told him was that at a meeting called by Father Dunphy of the Nationalists of the parish the people refused to a resolution of “no confidence” in Mr. Parnell ‘they would not go back of what they told the reporter, and they could not, if they were inclined to do so, after what took place to-day.‘
For some days before this meeting a canvass of the parish was made by the priests, and persons were noticed to attend who were known to have anti-Parnellite feelings, while, even so, with this canvass the vast majority of the people are in favour of Mr. Parnell, as will be shown by to-day’s proceedings.
When the chair was taken it was mentioned that the first business of the meeting was to re-organise the branch, which had been in a disorganised state since last November. It was mentioned that the committee was no longer a committee, and that the officers were no longer officers until the committee and officers were elected constitutionally by ballot. Father Dunphy and the M’Carthyite section of the committee objected to this, and said that the business would be proceeded with, and he then requested Mr. William Forrestal, P.L.G., and others, who were not members of the committee, to retire from the League room, as he said no one but the committee should interfere, in the business to be transacted.
Mr. Forrestal then said that if he retired, Father Brennan, who was never a member of the League at all, not to speak of the committee, should also retire. Mr. Forrestal said he could not have confidence in Father Brennan, because he got the money for the Tenant’s Defence Fund collected in the parish, and instead of sending it where the committee and he agreed to–viz to the joint treasurers, Dr. Kenny and Mr. Webb —he gave it to Father Dunphy, who kept it in his hands alone, and had not even yet sent it on to the proper quarter.
After some pressure from the Parnellites, Mr. Forrestal and others withdrew. A resolution was then proposed by Father Brennan (although he was not a member of the League at all), of “No confidence” in Mr. Parnell. The Nationalists outside groaned on hearing the portion of the resolution which had reference to Mr. Parnell. The excitement and noise increased, the people pushed their way into the League-room, cheering for Mr. Parnell and “the hillside men.” Father Dunphy, Father Brennon., and the following men left the room —Wm. Irish, James Dunne, James Irish, Edmund Haberlin, Wm. Hartley, Walter Grant, John Fitzgerald, and Patrick Kehoe. While these men, with two priests, were leaving there were cheers for Parnell and cries of ” Free election by ballot,” and “We’ll hunt the M’Carthyites,” “Down with Pope Hennessy and his backers,” were given also.
(c) L.C. Dillon 1881
When the priests and the seven or eight M’Carthyites (the full strength of their backers) left, the Parnellites proceeded to hold a meeting, to which all members of the committee present and ordinary members of the branch were invited. Mr. John Hanrahan was called to the chair, which he took amid the cheers of the crowd, which were heard at the police barracks, and it brought down a couple of policemen.
There were more than 100 members of the branch present, amongst whom were the following :—Mesers. Wm. Forrestal, P.L.C.; James Reddy (farmer), Kilbride; Patrick Irish (farmer), Carrigcloney; Patrick Forrestal, Graiguenakill (farmer and miller); Thomas Forrestal, Ballyverneen (farmer); Thomas Aylward , (farmer), Ballinclair ; Micheal Murphy (farmer), Ballinlammy; Richard Mullins (farmer), Gaulstown ; Laurence Mullins (farmer), Gaulstown ; Martin Kennedy (farmer), Ballinclair ; James Mulally (farmer), Davidstown ; Patrick Raftice (farmer), Davidstown ; Patrick Whelan (farmer), Ballinrow; John Verriker (farmer), Davidstown ; Richard Whelan (farmer), Mullinahone ; Patrick McDonald (farmer), Ballinlammy ; Thomas Roche, Coolnaleen (farmer) ; Martin Murphy (farmer), Ballinlammy; John Doherty (farmer), Ballinlammy; Thomas Power, Glenmore (tradesman) ; David Walsh, Graiguenakill (tradesman), Philip Malone, Glenmore (tradesman) ; John Power, Carrigcloney (tradesman); Walter Ryan (tradesman and farmer), Cappagh; John Grace, Forrestalstown (farmer); John Raftice (cattle-dealer), Davidstown ; Thomas Roche, Coolnaleen (farmer) ; Patrick Byrne (laborer), Ballinclair ; Patrick Doherty (labourer), Busherstown ; Thos. Forrestal (farmer and fisherman) Ballyverneen; Thom. Murphy (labourer), Ballyverneen ; John Fleming (labourer), do. ; James Grant, do ; Richard Breen, do. Glenmore; Wm. Young, do, Ballyverneen ; James Walsh, do ; Thomas Haberlin (fisherman), Forrestalstown; Wm. Kirwan (fisherman), Ballyhobuck; Patr. Murphy, Newtown (labourer); William Purcell, do.; Thomas Foran, Mullinahone (laborer). Owing to the crush and excitement it was impossible to get even half the names of those present, and the secretaries beg to offer an apology to any of the Nationalists who were present, and who are not in the above list.
The Chairman briefly addressed the meeting, …the M’Carthyites failed to smash up [the Branch], by refusing to acknowledge the branch on the old lines and under the guidance of the Central Branch of O’Connell-street (hear, hear). Mr. Wm. Forrestal then addressed the meeting, and said that the M’Carthyites had left the League room, and the small following they had showed the way the Nationalists of Glenmore stand with regard to the leadership of Mr. Parnell. He desired to state that he would not be a member of any branch which would not be duly organised and constituted under the rules which always guided the branches of the National League throughout the country. The M’Carthyites , to-day ware afraid to face the election by ballot, because they knew that if they did the Nationalists of Glenmore would not leave a man of them on the committee (hear, bear). Instead of doing that they ordered the members of the branch out, and with a few of their own followers, like a packed jury, they condemned Mr. Parnell. But the Nationalists would blot out that stain, twenty to one (applause), and he defied the few followers of poor old Justin M’Carthy in the parish to go to the ballot-box and they’d see what the members of the League would do. Outside the M’Carthyites, who are on the committee, the people who are opposed to Mr. Parnell in this parish are the people who were always “opposed to him,”… But the cause of the Parnellites was the old cause, their leader was the old leader—the leader of 100 battles (cheers), and not an old fogie after tea-parties like McCarthy, a man who, in the novels he wrote for the English people, sneered at the Fenians of Ireland and the hillside men, because he knew it would please the Saxons who were buying his books (groans).
(National Library of Ireland)
Mr. Patrick Irish proposed the following resolution” That at this meeting of the representatives of the Nationalists of Glenmore we hereby declare our unabated confidence in Charles Stewart Parnell, as the incomparable and incorruptible loader of the Irish Parliamentary Party and of the Irish race all over the world, and we further proclaim it to be our earnest and unalterable conviction that now more than ever the manhood of Ireland are bound by a patriotic duty to stand unswervingly by the principle of independent action in things political, and should not submit to any dictation, no matter from what source proceeding. That we hereby pledge ourselves to support and assist any movement for the relief of the wounded soldiers in the battle against landlordism, viz.—the evicted tenants of Ireland. That we call upon all Nationalists of this pariah to enrol their names as members of this branch of the Irish Nationalist League.” Mr. Reddy seconded this, which was passed unanimously, with loud mad prolonged cheers for Mr. Parnell. …
It was ordered that reports of this meeting be sent to The New Ross Standard, United Ireland, and the Freeman’s Journal. Messr. Patrick Irish and William Forrestal ware appointed secretaries pro tem to this meeting. The next meeting of this branch will be held at 3 o’clock on the first Sunday in March, with the election of a committee will be proceeded with, and steps taken to work the branch as usual. The meeting dispersed with cheers for Parnell.
[Editorial note: Danny Dowling on 7 March 2020 explained that the League met in his house. At the time John Hanrahan occupied the house. Danny’s great-aunt Mary Hanrahan née Murphy left the house and fields to Danny’s mother Hannah Dowling née Murphy. Danny was born in his present house, and the family moved to Jamestown when he was “a chap.”]
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Glenmore and Mr. Parnell
Danny Dowling in notebook 23 listed a large number of articles referencing Glenmore including the above entitled article that was published in the Wexford People newspaper on Saturday the 7th of February 1891. Today, we will feature the first article in that edition and Sunday we will feature the second article. These articles provide a glimpse into how politics in that era divided the people of the parish of Glenmore.
The Division of the Glenmore National Land League
For our international readers—Charles Stewart Parnell (1846-1891) was an Irish politician, who was elected to Parliament, became leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, and the President of the Irish National Land League. As discussed in a recent post the Glenmore Branch of the National Land League was established in 1880 when the local parish priest called the parishioners together to form a local branch. The division in the National as well as the local Branch occurred after William O’Shea, a former Parnell supporter, filed in December 1889, for divorce from his wife Katherine on the grounds of her adultery with Parnell. The divorce was granted in 1890 after Parnell did not dispute the charge. The scandal caused the Catholic clergy of Ireland to speak out against Parnell and split the National Land League.
The newspaper articles, of the 7th of February 1891, reveal details concerning the division of the Glenmore Branch over Parnell and lists a large number of local Land League supporters. The meeting took place about 9 months prior to Parnell’s death at the age of 45.
“Glenmore League met on Sunday. The Rev. J. Dunphy, Adm., occupied the chair. A discussion took place about the sending of money collected for the evicted tenants, and it was finally agreed to send it to the joint treasurers in Dublin, on the understanding that no official of the Central League should have anything to do or say to it.
The question of affiliating the Branch was then introduced, and a warm discussion took place. The majority of those present were not disposed to have anything to do with the central office, managed by Mr. Harrington and Co., at least until the rules of the constitution were carried out by having its officers elected, and not self-constituted, as they are at present. It soon became evident that the Parnellites, Parnell-likers, were not disposed to be ruled by the majority, and that they were bent even upon starting an opposition branch.
The new chairman strongly condemned this on two grounds. First, because he believed that there was no assembly in the world wherein the rule did not prevail that the minimum would be bound by the majority. Secondly, because he considered that the existence of two leagues in a parish would be prejudicial to the interests of religion and country alike, and as for as he was concerned he would never countenance the idea. If, then, the minority persist in the idea of establishing a branch, why let them, but the public would know at what door to lay the charge of creating disorder and disunion in the National Ranks. Not until every effort failed in cementing the dissentients together was there any resolution put forward to test the real feelings of the committee.
Father Brenan C.C., then proposed, and Mr. J. Fitzgerald, seconded, the subjoined resolution –that we consider the pretentions of Mr. Parnell to the further leadership in the Irish Parliamentary Party highly prejudicial to the best interests of the country, that we call upon the whole body of our representatives to adjust their difference, and under a new leader press forward the final settlement of the land question and the labour question, as the Irish farmers will never rest satisfied until the old cry “the land for the people” is realised. Amidst some disorder and confusion the resolution was put from the chair with the following result: For the resolution the following persons voted: Father Brennan, Messrs. John Fitzgerald, Vice-Chairman; James Irish, P.L.G.; Walter Grant; James Aylward; W. Irish; E. Cody; Wm. Hartley; James Dunne; E. Haberlin; P. Kehoe; and the chairman—12. Against—Messrs, T. Forrestal; P. Forrestal; J. Hanrahan; P. Irish; J. Doherty; and J. Reddy—6. The chairman then declared the resolution carried by a majority of two to one.”
Glenmore and the Evicted Tenants Fund
The 49 persons who contributed to the Evicted Tenants Fund as well as the amounts contributed were published in the newspaper as follows: Rev. J. Dunphy, Adm £1; Rev. H. Brennan, C.C. £1; Messrs. J. Fitzgerald, vice chairman, £1, 10s; P. Fitzgerald, £1,5s; Thomas Forrestal, £1, 3s, 6d; Mrs. Mary Grant, 15 s, 9d; Mrs. Roche, 14s, 6d; M. Barron, 14s; Wm. Irish, 12s, 6d; Mrs. Mary Fitzgerald, 12s, 6d; James Aylward, T. Kennedy, R. Raftice, 11s each; R. Grant, J. Wall, E. Cody, M. Maher, P. Fitzgerald, M. Kennedy, W. Forrestal, 10s each; R. Dunphy, 9s, 9d; J. Mullally 9s; 6d; J. Morrissey, 9s, 3d; E. Aylward, R. Roche, 3s each; J. Irish, M. Gorman 7s, 5d; W. Grant, 7s, 3d; Mrs. Aylward, 6s, 8d; Widow Kennedy, N. Murphy, 6s, 6d each; John Kennedy, R. Vereker, T. Aylward, 6s each; John Murphy, Mrs. Mackey, 5s each; Richard Kennedy, 4s, 6d; Richard Prendergast, 4s; T. Fitzgerald 3s, 10d; P. Walsh 3s; Mrs. Roche, 2s; E. Haberlin, 1s, 6d; W. Neill, M. Cahill, Michael Walsh, P. Forrestal 1s each; P. Byrne, R. Wall, P. Quinn; J. Forrestal, 6d each.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh