19th Century
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Accused Fenian: Master John Fitzgerald, of Knockbrack, Glenmore
Over a month ago one of our readers in Indiana queried if there were many Glenmore Fenians who were forced to flee Ireland for their activities. Danny Dowling related that he was only aware of one person from Glenmore identified as a fenian, John Fitzgerald of Knockbrack, Glenmore. Danny on the first of June 1973 interviewed Mick Gaule, of Killaspy, Slieverue who told Danny that a man known as Master John Fitzgerald, of Knockbrack, Glenmore, was a member of the Fenian Movement in 1867. For his association with this organisation he had to flee the country and never returned. Master John Fitzgerald had the place where Paul Fitzgerald lived in 1974. Master John Fitzgerald was a cousin of old Micil Fitzgerald who lived where the late John Fitzgerald of the interviewer’s time lived.
The Fenians
The term fenian or feniasm was “… used indiscriminately to refer to the upsurge of popular ‘nationalist’ expectation among Irish Catholics…” (Comerford, R.V., The Fenians in Context: Irish Politics and Society 1848–82 (Kindle Locations 2970-2973). R.V. Comerford. Kindle Edition.) The Fenians of the 1860’s were inspired by the Young Irelanders and rebellion of 1848. The two most prominent Fenian organisations were established by two of the Young Irelanders involved in the rebellion of 1848. Both fled Ireland and sought safety in France. John O’Mahony (1815-1877) and James Stephens (1825-1901) would work together and separately to form oranisations that would actively promote Irish independence.
NYCity Library
John O’Mahony (1815-1877) was a native of Cork and was the founder of the Fenian Brotherhood in America. O’Mahony left France and settled in the US in 1853. He named his group after the Fianna the legendary warriors of Ancient Ireland. James Stephens (1825-1901) was a native of Kilkenny City. It has been noted that his early political influence was Dr. Robert Cane (1807-1858), a former Mayor of Kilkenny, a physician, a moderate Young Irelander who was jailed for several months in 1848 without charges ever having been made against him. From a Glenmore link perspective, Dr. Robert Cane was the father of the Kilmakevogue Dispensary doctor appointed in 1867, James Butler Norris Cane (c. 1804-1906) https://glenmore-history.com/dr-james-butler-norris-cane-c-1840-1906/.
Stephens remained in France until 1856 when he returned to Ireland and began what he described as a three thousand mile walk around Ireland to meet former Young Irelanders and other nationalists. In 1857 O’Mahony corresponded with Stephens who established on St. Patrick’s Day 1858 the secret Irish Republican Brotherhood in Ireland. Rivalry soon caused friction between the two groups as by 1865 the Fenian Brotherhood had became large and could afford to send arms to Ireland while the Irish Republican Brotherhood struggled. With the financial backing of the American Fenians Stephens published a newspaper called The Irish People commencing in 1863. This newspaper attracted a new generation of nationalists including Jeremiah O’Donovan Rossa, Charles Kickham, Thomas Clarke Luby and John O’Leary.
In the US the Fenian Brotherhood, although a secret society, had a public profile and for the most part engaged in fund raising and other activities without interference from the US government. While the American Civil War (1861-1865) raged Fenian rallies were held in several northern cities. The US Government’s ambivalence toward the American Fenians may have been due to the fact that the British, although professing to condemn slavery, had openly attempted to run the Union blockade of Confederate ports. In exchange for the slave produced cotton of the Confederacy the British sold munitions and other supplies to the South. Additionally, British controlled Canada became a haven for Confederate sympathisers and agents who attempted to burn New York City in November 1864. Some battle hardened Irish American Civil War Union Army veterans splintered from Stephens and led several unsuccessful invasions into Canada. The US Government did little to stop the veterans. The British newspapers in hysterical tones reported on Fenian conspiracies on both sides of the Atlantic.
An uprising was planned in Ireland for the summer of 1865. The plans were discovered and Irish Republican Brother members were arrested and sentenced to prison or transportation to penal colonies in Australia. Immediately, the Irish People newspaper was raided and Luby, one of the editors, and O’Donovan Rossa, the manager, were arrested. O’Donovan Rossa was convicted and sentenced to prison where he defied the prison authorities and was subject to abuse. Stephens was arrested and imprisoned but escaped and again fled to France. The Habeas Corpus Suspension Act was enacted on 17 February 1866 and allowed for the arrest and detention of citizens without trial.
Immediately a large number of persons were arrested and detained without charge or trial. Reports of the abuse of persons arrested and jailed for being involved in the Fenian conspiracy began to be raised in the House of Commons. For questions raised regarding Waterford prisoners see, https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1866/mar/16/ireland-fenian-prisoners-at-waterford#S3V0182P0_18660316_HOC_40.
In searching for newspapers articles concerning the arrest of Master John Fitzgerald, of Knockbrack, Glenmore a list of other County Kilkenny arrestees was compiled. It is not an exhaustive list.
(1) Kilkenny Moderator, Sat. 10 March 1866: John Kavanagh, relieving officer of Kilkenny, Walkin St.; James Holland, a mason, upper Patrick St.; Wm. Dunphy, housepainter, Walkin St.
(2) Kilkenny Moderator, Wed. 21 March 1866: John Lynch, of Callan; and Patrick Comerford, of Lady’s-well, near Danesfort; Thomas Phelan, Sergeant Tailor of the Kilkenny Fusilier Regiment of Militia, was liberated from custody as he was wrongly arrested for being Thomas Whelan, of Kilkenny.
(3) Kilkenny Moderator, Sat. 30 March 1867: Richard Power and Patrick Murphy, living near Glenmore were arrested by Constable Powell, of Glenmore (who upon retirement became the first postmaster of Glenmore see, https://glenmore-history.com/the-glenmore-post-office-its-rise-and-demise/.)
(4) The Evening Freeman, Wed. 4 April 1866: Mr. Grace, of Thomastown, held in Mountjoy.
(5) Kilkenny Moderator, 1 August 1866: Edmond Coyne, of Callan (released & deported); James Cody, of Callan (released & deported); John Lynch, of Callan, released on surety; Michael Heffernan Dunne (still in prison).
(6) Kilkenny Moderator, 1 June 1866: Loche of Callan; and Downey, formerly of Goresbridge were still detained in Kilkenny gaol.
The Arrest of Master John Fitzgerald, of Knockbrack, Glenmore
On Friday the 15th of March 1867 the Waterford Mail reported that Head Constable Brereton, with a party of nine policemen, arrested the previous week a respectable farmer, named John Fitzgerald, of Knockbrack, under his Excellency’s warrant. Mr. Fitzgerald was recently a member of the Waterford Board of Guardians, and at the same time filled the office of chairman of the Kilmackevogue Dispensary committee, and was a man of considerable means. The Kilkenny Journal & Leinster Commercial & Literary Advertiser (20 March 1867) reported that on Monday, Head Constable Breton and a body constabulary, of Rosbercon arrested Fitzgerald. The Waterford News and Star, of Friday the 22nd of March 1867 described Fitzgerald as an intelligent well-educated man “holding a large farm.”
In contrast the Kilkenny Moderator of Saturday the 30th of March 1867 reported that Constable Ward, of Kilmacow and Constable Powell, of Glenmore arrested Mr. John Fitzgerald, a comfortable farmer, living at Ballybrack (sic), near Glenmore and three labourers who worked for him. It was rumoured that Fitzgerald was charged with having acted as a Fenian paymaster. Upon his arrest he was sent to the Thomastown Bridewell “pending further orders from Dublin Castle.” The three labourers, were not named in the article and brought before a special sessions at Kilmacow. James Cody, a prisoner previously arrested was also brought to Kilmacow. While Cody was transferred to Waterford gaol the three farm labourers were released. On the 21st Fitzgerald was transferred from Thomastown to the Kilkenny gaol under a warrant from the Lord Lieutenant, under the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act.
On Saturday the 1st of June 1867 it was reported by the Kilkenny Moderator that Fitzgerald was released from custody by his Excellency’s order after entering into recognizance and post £100 along with £50 each from two unnamed sureties. The terms of his release required him to the peace and orderly conduct for the next two years. It is not known whether Fitzgerald stayed in Knockbrack or went to America as reported by Mick Gaule in 1973.
Just before Fitzgerald was released a clemency meeting was held in Kilkenny City for the “unfortunate men” who were sentenced to death for high treason. The Mayor stated that no man should suffer death except for wilful murder. He hoped that the Queen would not blight her reign by the hanging, beheading and quartering of men “whose folly and whose crimes are traceable to the misgovernment of the country, and the persistent refusal of redress.” (Tablet, Sat. 11 May 1867)
By late July 1868 the last of those detained without trial under the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act were released, but there were about 100 Fenian convicts (including twenty– four soldiers sentenced by military tribunals) in jails in Britain and in Western Australia. (Comerford, R.V., The Fenians in Context: Irish Politics and Society 1848–82 (Kindle Locations 3209-3211). R.V. Comerford. Kindle Edition.) O’Donovan Rossa was released and deported to the US in 1870.
The Fenian Photographs
British authorities began taking “mug shots” of convicts in the late 1850’s. After 1865 persons arrested as Fenians were photographed. Two large collections of Fenian photographs survive. The larger, of 600 photographs taken between 1867 and 1872, is held in the National Archives of Ireland. A ‘Form K’ is attached to most of these photographs, to provide a description of the prisoner. Information recorded includes the particulars for arrest or conviction, the detainee’s physical description, age, literacy, religion, marital status, occupation and place of birth and residence.
A second, smaller collection of Fenian photographs, ‘The convicted and untried political prisoners in Mountjoy’, compiled in 1866, is now held in the NYC Public Library digital collections on-line. This album contains 86 portraits (4in.x3in.), mounted four to a page. The photos of all the political prisoners are identified by name. Fiona Fitzsimmons has noted that, 31% of the Fenian prisoners are recorded as having served in the American Civil War. Despite the endorsement on the title-page, that the photos are of Mountjoy prisoners, Fiona Fitzsimmons has discovered that many of these prisoners were actually held in Kilmainham and elsewhere. See, Fitzsimmons, “Kindred Lines: Prison Photographs,” available at https://www.historyireland.com/volume-24/kindred-lines-prison-photographs/.
The two photograph albums held by the New York City Library originally belonged to Sir Thomas Aiskew Larcom (1801-1879), the permanent Under Secretary for Ireland from 1853 to 1869. Harriet Fyffe Richardson (b.1872), author of Pioneer Quakers (1940), provided the albums to Stanford University at an unknown date; the New York City Library acquired them in 1953.The contents of the two albums were digitalized and made accessible online in 2016. To view the collection Mountjoy “mugshots” of the Fenian political prisoners held by the New York City Library see, https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/search/index?utf8=%E2%9C%93&keywords=fenians.
Without being able to view the records held by the Irish Archives (closed again due to COVID 19) it is not known if this photo is Master John Fitzgerald, of Knockbrack, Glenmore. Given his dress, compared to the other Fenian political prisoners, it seems likely that this is the correct photo.
For a concise account of the importance of the Fenians in inspiring the 1916 Rising see, McNamara, Robert. (2020, August 26). The Fenian Movement and the Inspiring Irish Rebels. Retrieved from https://www.thoughtco.com/fenian-movement-4049929.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
A Glenmore Version of the Ballad of Carrickshock [updated]
As outlined in our last post, concerning the tithe tax and tithe war of the 1830’s, a ballad was penned and sung in Glenmore concerning Carrickshock. On the 25th of February 1970, Danny Dowling recorded the Ballad of Carrickshock as told to him by Nicholas Forristal (1888-1979), of the Mill, Griaguenakill, Glenmore. In 1970, Nicky Forristal was 82 years of age and the subject of the ballot had occurred almost 140 years previously. Nicky’s father, Patrick Forristal (1849-1931) was born 18 years after Carrickshock and died on the Carrickshock centenary in 1931. Thus, Carrickshock took place during the lifetime of Nicky Forristal’s grandfather. Thanks to Danny’s work 50 years ago we have a version of the Ballad of Carrickshock that was sung in Glenmore.
According to an online exhibit in the National Archives entitled “Singing Sedition: Ballads and Verse in the Age of O’Connell” ballads are particularly important as a reflection of the interests and opinions of ordinary people of nineteenth century Ireland.
“Arising out of unofficial channels ballad sheets express the opinion and sentiment of the ordinary people of nineteenth century Ireland, often revealing their private attitudes to the great questions of society, politics and religion. As a medium of communication from an otherwise unrepresented class, such verses and songs provide a critical counterbalance to the views of the landed elite. … Certain types of ballads may not be readily accessible to the modern reader, since they can contain cryptic references to local persons or events.”
“Singing Sedition: Ballads and Verse in the Age of O’Connell” is available at https://www.nationalarchives.ie/article/singing-sedition-ballads-verse-age-oconnell.
Within the exhibit is a copy of a ballad entitled “The Downfall of the Tithes,” this ballad makes reference to Carrickshock, and is available at https://www.nationalarchives.ie/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/CSORP_OR_1832_2928_0001.jpg .
Below is a transcription of the Carrickshock Ballad recorded by Danny in 1970.
Ballad of Carrickshock (Sang in Glenmore)
Those valiant sons of the Irish Nation, Where is the country that can boast of more? Through extensive Europe they gained rank and stature, And for their loyalty great credit bore. May Britain boast of their fame and glory, Auld Scotsman too, King William’s name, But Irish valour won’t lie from story, While lives a bard to record their fame. T’was a December on a Wednesday morning, Strange rumours circled our country round, And it was confirmed by chief ??? Warning to force the tithes or our cattle pound. Our chapel bells they were kept sounding, The people hearing in great number clocked, Our ??? and ditches with all speed bounding, To meet the peelers in Carrickshock. They hired Bert Butler to serve citations, To force the peasant from home or tithes, To feed the gluttons of the reformation, Whom honest Catholics always deride. The first to start was courageous Power, He beat(?) Butler with manly skill, Saying rally boys for the very hour, Well pay no tithes but those traitors kill. And chief Gibbins saw that his dog lay sprawl, And to his forces did loudly call, Saying prime and load boys it is appalling, And he shot brave Power with a pistol ball. And then commences the bloody slaughter, For 15 minutes we had but fun, With pikes and scythes we gave them no quarter, We stood our ranks without fife or drum. But 26 and their chief commander, Was left them lifeless without a groan, And not to conquer like Alexander, We left 3 survivors to bring them home. Sergeant Wylie that orange traitor, That day he ran with great force and speed, Tis well he knew if he was overtaken, His body like the rest would be left to bleed. If you were to see them of the after ??? Like pigs or ??? they were drown, Along to standing ??? in Reid’s barn. In Kilmaganny they all did say, May providence crown you Tracy and Whelan, Who fell Tithe victim upon that day, They stood the brunt without courage failing, And fought courageously in that bloody fray. Now my song is ending and all is over, Come fill your Bumfords and drink brown ale, And where you’ll meet them in rapture, Greet them the jovial champions of Ballyhale.
Gary Owen, “The Carrickshock Incident, 1831: Social Memory and Irish Cause Célebre,” 1(1) Culture and Social History (2004) pp 36-64 available at http://www.traceyclann.com/files/carrickshock.pdf
The National Archives also has the correspondence of the Chief Secretary’s Office concerning the “Carrickshock murders” including costs of burials of constables, doctor bills for the treatment of injured constables, the efforts to arrest, and the efforts of two Catholic clergy in raising funds to hire Daniel O’Connell to defend those accused of murder etc. [CSO/PR/OR/1831/1328 et seq]
Update 2 Feb. 2021–while going through the Munster Express newspaper of 27 Dec. 1946 the following poem or ballad concerning Carrickshock was discovered. It appears to have been penned in the 1930’s.
Update: 24 Dec. 2022–
Munster Express (Sat. 11 Nov. 1922, p. 6)–Death of Mr. James Treacy, Ballymagill—it is with much regret we have to record the death of M. James Treacy, who passed away on Friday, 3rd inst. The deceased was one of the famous Carrickshock Treacy’s. The interment took place at Kilcurl. We tender our sympathy to his relatives in their bereavement.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Glenmore and the Tithe Tax [Updated]
It is difficult to believe today, that taxes were imposed to support the clergy of the Established Church, the Church of Ireland. Thus, other protestants and Catholics were taxed to support a religion to which they did not belong. To address the resentment of the people toward the tithes, the authorities offered to share the collected tithes with the Irish Catholic Church. The Irish Catholic Church refused the offer fearing that it would lead the Church to come under the control of the Government. In order to evade the tax some Catholic priests encouraged their parishioners to place their livestock in the ownership of the parish priests to keep the animals from being seized by authorities attempting to collect the hated tax.
Not all Catholic Priests sided with the people against the tax. It was reported in January 1831 that threatening notices, against tithes and tithe-payers were posted on the Chapel doors of Kilmacow and Glenmore Catholic Churches. (Kerry Evening Post, Sat. 8 Jan 1831). In both places the clergy expressed disproval for the notices from the altar. In Danny Dowling’s notes an article in the Waterford Chronicle on the 7th of August 1830 reported that there was great “public distress” in the parish of Glenmore. Rev. Fr. Foran, the Curate, obtained a ton of oatmeal from the corporation of Waterford valued at £20; Lady Esmond donated £5 and several other individuals including Mr. Wallis, the Church of Ireland Rector, of Rosbercon, donated £1. The money was used to improve the high road and provide wages to the labourers to enable them to feed their families. It was noted that “during this time of general distress,” Lady Esmonde relieved or fed at least thirty poor people per day. Priests like Father Foran, who sought the aid of the authorities to feed starving parishioners, may have felt unable to support the objectors and risk the withholding of aid.
In March 1831 at Graiguenamanagh, Kilkenny, 120 troops tried to enforce seizure orders on cattle the local priest “owned” and clashed with locals. In June 1831, in Newtownbarry, Wexforrd (since 1952 the town is now called Bunclody) locals again resisted the seizure of cattle, and The Royal Irish Constabulary killed 12 and wounded 20. Thus began what is often referred to as the Tithe War.
Objectors to the tax began to organise and employed church bells in the Catholic Churches to warn the local people to hide livestock and gather to resist the armed collectors. In December 1831 a detachment of about 40 Royal Irish Constables served notices and seized animals around the Carrickshock, Kilkenny area. On the third day objectors answered the call of the church bells. In 1977, Danny Dowling interviewed James Bookle, of Grennan, Thomastown who was aged 83. James recalled that as a lad he was told that a lot of people from various Kilkenny areas, went to Carrickshock. Two brothers named Shea from Coolhill, in the Rower, walked to Carrickshock with two sprongs (pitch forks) on their shoulders. They crossed Ida and travelled via Tullogher and Ballyhale.
On the third day, the detachment of Constables collecting animals in the Carrickshock area was ambushed in a boreen flanked by stone walls. Armed with only sticks, stones, hurleys and farm implements such as sprongs the gathered objectors surrounded the Constables. The Constables were able to fire upon the objectors once, but due to the rain of stones from the assembled protestors the Constables were unable to re-load their muskets. It is believed that 13 of the Constables and 3 local objectors were killed at Carrickshock. Danny in July 1962 interviewed Nicky Forristal, of the Mill, Graiguenakill, Glenmore who reported that Pand Irish of Carrigcloney, Glenmore stated that when they were fighting that day in Carrickshock the battle cry was “Remember Newtownbarry.”
Nicky Forristal also provided the lyrics to a song sung in Glenmore regarding Carrickshock. He also reported that he heard his father say that Sergeant Wylie, who was referred to as “The Orange Traitor” in the song, was at Carrickshock and was later stationed in the Glenmore RIC barracks, as a sergeant.
“Sergt. Wylie the Orange Traitor, that day he ran With great force and speed, And well he knew if he was overtaken his body, Like the rest would be left to bleed.”
Carrickshock appears to have had a long term effect on Sergeant Wylie according to Nicky Forristal. Years after Carrickshock the Glenmore Chapel bell began to ring suddenly and Wylie took fright. He ran down to Gaffney’s yard and “got in under a barrell to hide.” Danny explained that Gaffney was in with the landlord, Lord Bessborough, and Wylie thought he would be safe at Gaffney’s.
Immediately after Carrickshock local men were charged with murder, and in 1832 about 200,000 people gathered in Ballyhale, Kilkenny to support the men. The large crowd was addressed by Daniel O’Connell. The men were not convicted.
The following list of persons tried and acquitted in the Kilkenny Assizes 1832 was provided to the House of Commons and included: [1] John Kennedy (murder, Carrickshock case); (the remaining defendants had the same notation “Carrickshock case, no proseution;” [2] John Ryan; [4] Thomas Ryan; [5] Patrick Carty; [6] John Daly; [7] Richard Grennan; [8] Patrik Dwyer; [9] Edmond Duggan; [10] William Walsh; and [11] Thomas Egan. It was noted that the defendant John Ryan on two consecutive days was tried before two different juries and both juries were discharged after they could not agree to a verdict (Return of Number of Persons tried found Guilty or acquitted in Counties of Kilkenny, Mayo and Queen’s). digitalized by the University of Southamptom available at www.jstor.org/stable/community.29946989).
After continued violence when authorities attempted to collect the tithes, parliament enacted the Church Temporalities Act in 1833 and thereby reduced the size of the Church of Ireland hierarchy and abolished the parish cess or church rate which was a separate but also resented tax. Resistance to the tithes continued and it became increasingly difficult for the authorities to find and collect livestock. Often the cost of attempting to collect far exceeded the value of the property seized. The government in the face of continued violence and strained police relations suspended collections.
Shortly after the first anniversary of Carrickshock a proclamation was published in the Dublin Gazette (3 Jan. 1834) stating that several houses in the village of Ballyhale, on the high road between Waterford and Thomastown, were illuminated and bonfires lighted to “celebrate the murder of the police at Carrickshock” on the 14th of December 1831. A reward of 50 pounds was offered to any person who could within 6 months provide information that would lead to the apprehension and conviction of all or any of the persons involved in the celebrations.
The Waterford Chronicle, of the 19th of March 1836 provides an interesting account of an Anti-Tithe meeting held in Glenmore. The article not only provides the names of several Glenmore men, but also provides a different non-violent approach some took to protest the tithes.
“At a numerous and highly respectable meeting of the above Parish, held in the Chapel-yard, on SUNDAY, the 13th Instant, LAURENCE STRANGE, Esq., Aylwardstown, was unanimouslv called to the chair. Mr. JOHN BOLGER, acted as Secretary. The following resolutions were unanimously agreed to :
Moved Mr. Andrew PheIan—seconded by Mr. Richard Fitzgerald. Resolved—That as we view the compulsive payment of Tithes by the professors of one religion, to the support of a different creed, unjust in principle as it is pressive and vexatious in its operation, and that so anomalous an impost, in the estimation of an enlightened world, reflect immeasurable discredit on the legislative, and on its passive victims.
Moved by Mr. Richard Phelan—seconded Mr. Robert Grant. Resolved—That the unrighteous system last yielding to the progress of intelligence, and a sense of right among all classes of people, we, the Inhabitants of this Parish, in common with every friend of human happiness, feel ourselves imperatively bound to resist, by every legal and constitutional means, the payment of so iniquitous an impost.
Moved by Mr. Mark Walsh— seconded Mr. Nicholas Gaffney. Resolved—That as we view the blessing of peace and preservation of life of paramount importance among all grades of society, we cannot but cry aloud against that system which so heavily pressed on the industry of the people, and was, alas the prolific cause of so many revolting scenes too shocking for human nature to contemplate; and no modification whatever of tithes short their entire annihilation both in name and substance, can satisfy the country or consistent be with justice.
Moved Mr. James Holden—seconded by Mr. Silvester Murphy. Resolved—Should any attempt be made levy the payment of that iniquitous impost, Tithes, in this Palish, we, one and all, pledge ourselves to resist it every legal means in our power, and do hereby promise to indemnify such person or persons persecuted.
Moved Mr. Thomas Heneberry—seconded Mr, Michael Freney. Resolved —That Petition presented to Parliament grounded on the foregoing resolutions, to be presented by our County Members, the Hon. Colonel Pierse Butler, and W.F. Finn, Esq.
Moved Mr. Michael Gahan—seconded Mr. Andrew Phelan. Resolved —That the foregoing resolutions be published in the Waterford and Weekly Waterford Chronicles. LAURENCE STRANGE, Chairman. JOHN BOLGER, Secretary.
Laurence Strange, Esq., having left the Chair, Mr. Andrew Phelan being called thereto, the thanks the Meeting were given to Mr. Strange for his very dignified and proper conduct in the Chair. ANDREW PHELAN, Chairman. John BOLGER, Secretary. “To the Right Honourable and Honorable the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Parliament assembled. The humble Petition of the inhabitants of the Parish of Glenmore, in the county of Kilkenny, Humbly Shewether, That your petitioners, in approaching your honorable House, beg to state their unqualified loyalty and attachment to his Majesty’s person, and their entire confidence in his Majesty’s Government, and constitutional advisers. Your petitioners, persuaded of the kind and benevolent disposition of your honorable house, redress the grievances which affect the people of Ireland. Among their grievances the Tithe system holds a prominent portion, it has uniformly been the source of dissatisfaction and jealousy, and has in very many instances caused the shedding of the blood of several of his Majesty’s subjects in Ireland. Your Petitioners humbly submit your Honourable House, that it is not consonant with the principles of justice, that six millions of his Majesty’s loyal and dutiful Roman Catholic subjects in Ireland, should be taxed for the spiritual instruction of half a million members of the Established Church–a tax, from which the said Roman Catholics derive no benefit, and from which they receive no equivalent. Your petitioners further beg to state to your Honourable House, that as the amount of Tithes in Ireland is far above the want of the Established Church and more than adequate renumeration for its Ministers, it would as unjust as it would he impolitic continue it. Your Petitioners therefore pray your Honourable House, so to modify the Tithe system in Ireland, that it may be no longer a burden on those who receive no benefit. And your Petitioners will ever pray, etc, etc.”
In 1838, parliament enacted the Tithe Commutation Act for Ireland. This reduced the amount payable directly by about a quarter and made the remainder payable in rent to landlords. The landlords were required to collect the tithe as part of the rent and send it on to the authorities. Two Glenmore landlords, Sir John Newport and Major Gahan, of the lands of Kilmakevogue, Graigunakill and Carrigcloney were heralded as patriots when they publicly agreed not to demand the tithe as a rent charge (Dublin Morning Register, 14 September 1838).
Full relief from the tax was not achieved until the Irish Church Act 1869. One of the local events that may have helped bring about the Act was the highly publicised case of Elizabeth Simpson v. Reverald Henry Helsham. For several months in 1864 notices appeared in the Kilkenny Moderator advising people in Ballygurrim and Kilmakevogue, Glenmore not to pay their tithe rent to Reverend Henry Helsham. Under a court order a plaintiff owed moneys could appeal to the bishop of the releant diocese to execute on the goods and chattles (personal property) of the debtor in his diocese. In an article in the Saunder’s News-Letter on Thursday the 14th of May 1868 (in another case where Reverend Helsham was being sued) it was noted that in 1861 he “became embarrassed by his circumstances and had to leave the parish [Rosbercon] for awhile.” The tithe rent charges were collected by a sequestrator who paid the judgments against the Reverend from the rents collected. The tithe rents collected amounted to about £220 a year and clearly illustrates that the tithes which were levied against all holdings in the Union of Rosbercon, to support the Church of Ireland, were directed to support the lifestyle and debts of the Vicar even when he was not working as the Vicar of the parish.
For further details concerning Carrickshock see, http://snap.waterfordcoco.ie/collections/ejournals/101014/101014.pdf Richard Lahert, The Mayor and the Outlaw: A Postscript to the Carrickshock Affray 1831 (Decies, spring 1994).
The featured drawing is from sheet music, The Irish Peasant (Ireland 1800-1870) © Trustees Indiana University http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/lilly/starr/LL-SSM-2-136-0014.
Updated 1 Dec. 2021. The Return of Number of Persons Tried Found Guilty or Acquitted in Counties of Kilkenny, Mayo and Queen’s was digitalized by the University of Southamptom is available at www.jstor.org/stable/community.29946989.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Glenmore Hedge Schools and Early National Schools
In 1695 two statutes became the first of the Irish penal laws restricting the rights of Irish Catholics. One of the statutes forbade Catholics, who were not covered by the Treaty of Limerick to keep weapons. The other statute sought to sever the link between Catholics and continental Catholics, by forbidding Catholics going abroad for education, and also banned Catholics from teaching or running schools within Ireland. Eventually the restrictions increased and Catholic priests were not allowed to say Mass. Just as the population found ways to attend Mass they also paid teachers to secretly educate in what became known as hedge schools.
During the most restrictive years the hedge master would meet the children in isolated places to conduct the hedge school. Often if strangers were observed in the vicinity the children and teacher would disperse and meet the following day in another isolated meeting place. Most early hedge schools operated in the summer because they operated in the open or in the shelter of a hedge or wall. Eventually the penal laws were not enforced the hedge schools moved into huts, cabins or empty outbuildings. The majority of penal laws were removed between 1778-1793, however the last penal law was not removed until 1829.
Because of the secrecy associated with the early hedge schools there are very few records concerning the hedge schools of Glenmore. In the 1950’s and 1960’s Danny Dowling interviewed several elderly Glenmore residents who provided information of what their grandparents and others had stated about local hedge schools. It is likely that over the penal law years there were multiple hedge schools operating at various times across all of the townlands in the parish. Below are some of the hedge schools that have been identified.
Coolnaleen, Glenmore
Danny Dowling has stated that Coolnaleen was formerly knowns as Ardbeg. Dick Doherty (1889-1976) of Coolnaleen as interviewed on the 25th of May 1962. Danny recorded that Dick Doherty reported that his grandfather (Richard Doherty, b. 1840) told him there was a schoolhouse in his lower yard. The Schoolmaster who taught in it was a man named John Kinnayr or Kinneir. He was a poor travelling teacher. He was paid 4 d. (old pence) a week. He taught in Coolnaleen for a “good while.” The pupils of the school were local children including Old Charlie Linegar, of Parkstown. The Schoolmaster would march the children in two’s to Glenmore for confirmation and religious exams etc. The boys at that time used to wear flannel waistcoats.
Moulerstown, Glenmore
According to Matt Aylward, of Ballyfacey, an old schoolmaster (Poor Scholar) used to teach school in Doherty’s house in Moulerstown. In his interview of 8 August 1956 Matt identified the schoolmaster as Meeshteh-Zheen (sic) Butler. Matt’s grandmother saw the old schoolmaster.
Kilbride, Glenmore
In an undated interview James Culleton, Sr., of Kilbride revealed to Danny that the Old Hedge School in Kilbride was situated eight perches beyond the Bill Grace’s House, on the other side of the road. It was a thatched structure. The last master in it was Paddy Butler of Rahora. It was closed in 1868, when the National School in Ballyfacey was built. Pupils came to it even from as far as Ballycroney. It was there for about 20 years or more.
There was another old school in Kilbride which was situated at the back of Kennedy’s house, in a house belonging to Micil Culleton. Now gone it was known as the Old College. Daniel Galavan was the school master in it. It was gone before the famine.
Ballyfacey, Glenmore
James Culleton, Sr. also reported that there was an old school in a house in the present George Connor’s farmyard in Ballyfacey about 1850. On the bounce of Bishopsmountain there was another old hedge school in the townland of Ballyfacey. All of the Knockbrack children attended this school.
Rathinure, Glenmore
A hedge school was located in the commons in the townland on the corner of the Kearney Bay Road (running from Aylwardstown to Rochestown) and the steep lane that runs from the Kearney Bay Road to the hamlet of Rathinure. Tom Haberlin’s forge later stood in the commons.
Ballycroney, Glenmore
In January 1955 Pat Coady, of Ballycroney told Danny that Paddy Butler, of Flemingstown was the last master of the old hedge school in Ballycroney.
Ballygurrim, Glenmore
Danny also took notes from the Parliamentary Gazetteer of Ireland (1844) which provided that the population in Ballygurrim civil parish in 1831 was 693 that increased in 1841 to 796 residents in 125 dwelling houses. In 1834 there was a pay day school attended by 45 to 50 children.
Kilmakevogue, Glenmore
The Gazetteer also reveals that the civil parish of Kilmackevogue had a population in 1831 of 1,027 which increased in 1841 to 1239 housed in 187 dwelling houses. The Roman Catholic Chapel at Glenmore had an attendance of 1,000. It was noted that in 1834, there were 2 Protestants in Kilmakevogue and 1,047 Catholics, and there were two pay daily schools that were usually attended in the summer by about 140 children.
Bob Walsh in Glenmore Times (2000) also identified hedge schools in Milltown, Parkstown and Kearney Bay.
If any reader has any information where other hedge schools may have been located in the parish please comment below or email glenmore.history@gmail.com and we will add to the list.
Establishment of National Schools
The Commissioners for National Education (National Education Board) were established in 1831 to administer £30,000 that was provided to the Lord Lieutenant for the education of the poor in Ireland. The powers of the Commissions were based on a set of instructions drawn up by Chief Secretary Stanley rather than by any legislative enactment. The Commissioners were empowered to make grants to existing schools for the payment of teachers and the provision of equipment and also to provide for the building of new schools, to appoint and pay inspectors and to establish a model school for the training of teachers. Originally the Education Offices were located at 30 Merrion Square and in 1840 moved to Marlboro House. This system was brought to an end in 1922 when its functions were taken over by the Minister for Education.
Danny Dowling, with what is now a battered old notebook, visited the Public Records Office in Dublin, reviewed the early records of the Commission, and took notes regarding local schools. Today, these records are available in the National Archives.
Hedge schools, or other fee paying schools, could apply to the Commission for grants for the payment of teachers, improving or building school buildings and provision of equipment. Records are also available as to the location, relation if any to religious house, date of establishment, date school connected with Commission, lease particulars, patrons, dimensions of school, attendance and some inspector reports. Below is the information obtained by Danny. Although not all of the National Schools are in Glenmore parish children from Glenmore may have attended these schools.
Ballyfacy School N.S. [Folio 126, Roll No. 9880; District 49, Ida] September 10, 1867 £170 to build or expenditure of £255 8 October 1867—a grant provided of £66-13-4 to build the school. An additional £100 provided (exceptional case) for 100 children 13 November 1868—Lease executed 23 March 1869—grant for £15 for the salary to Thomas O’Neill from 4 January 1869. 20 April 1869—grant of £16 for the salary to Kate Brereton as assistant from 4 January 1869. 15 June 1869—Thomas O’Neill dismissed from 30 June 1869.
Danny collected further details. Matt Aylward in 1956 revealed that the hill on which the Ballyfacey school was built was known as the “Jolla Hill.” James Culleton, Sr., of Kilbride, informed Danny that Micil Moore of Knockbrack, built Ballyfacey National School. It cost £95 to build, but £100 was collected for the building. With the extra £5 they bought a barrel of beer for the local people who drew the stones and sand. The School was repaired in 1907 at a cost of £137. The Teachers residence in Ballyfacey was built in 1904. Martin Hynes, of Aylwardstown was awarded the contract for the building of the teacher’s house, and the Malones of Shanbogh built it. George O’Connor drew the first load of sand.
Bigwood School N.S. Established May 1839 Application to Board—3 January 1841 Taken by Board—31 March 1841 Size 1 room 40 X 16 X 12 School situated in Chapel yard. Teacher Daniel Sullivan—instructions 9 to 5 in summer; 9 to 3 in winter
Shanbogh School N.S. Est. 1847 Connected with Board 13 July 1848 Not inspected. No Comments. 1 room 19 X 14 X 7
Ringville N.S., Kilcolumb Civil Parish (Folio 73) Male School Size: 2 rooms 50 X 14 X 10 and 30 X 18 X 13 Established 1832 Connected with Board 29 October 1852. Francis Drew teaching there in 10 August 1859. M.A. Drew teaching there July 1856. Situated in Ballinlow Townland.
Robinstown N.S. (Glenmore N.S.) Male School, Folio 13 11 April 1840—application for grant to pay teachers, rent and for supply of books 100 on rolls in 1855 with average daily attendance of 37 pupils
Robinstown N.S. (Glenmore N.S.) Female School 1 apartment 27 X 17 X 18 Teachers Margaret Brereton 18 and Kate Brereton 20. Went to Rosbercon Community school. Attendance in 1867 of Robinstown National Schools = 99 females; 26 males, by James Aylward
In 1834 Father Fielding, the Glenmore Parish Priest applied for a grant for a school to be built. Land for the school was provided by the landlord Lord Bessborough. The school opened in 1835 and thanks to another grant from the Commission it contained 17 desks and a teacher’s desk. The student desks each accommodated 10 students. When the school opened in 1835 two hundred students enrolled.
Slieverue N.S.—Civil parish of Rathpatrick; Townland of Slieverue Established March 1840 House is 60 feet in length by 22 feet in breadth and 10 feet in height is good repair. Divided into 2 rooms. The boy’s room is 32 feet X 18 feet; girl’s room 20 feet by 18 feet. Furnished with 22 desks all new. Thomas Keefe, master aged 37 years. Ellen Halligan mistress aged 17 years. There are 150 male and 80 female children in daily attendance from 9 until 3 o’clock. Religion instruction morning and evening in the school rooms and in Saturday in the chapel. There is a present want of books. Fr Walsh paid male teacher £20 and female £15.
Given the size of the classrooms and the large number of enrolled students these early classrooms must have been very crowded. Certainly no social distancing could take place in these small crowded spaces. The youthful age of some of the teachers is also surprising as is the duration of the school day.
For further detailed reading regarding hedge schools, see, https://www.raggeduniversity.co.uk/2017/01/02/educational-history-the-hedge-schools-of- ireland/
Special thanks to Jacqueline Walsh for the early photograph of Ballyfacey National School.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Glenmore and the Irish Language
Last week issues were raised concerning how much English the executed Glenmore man, Henry “Bounce” Walsh, understood and spoke in 1847 during the investigation, incarceration, and his trial for murder. According to Danny Dowling, the Irish language survived and flourished in Glenmore during and after the dark days of the Penal Laws. In 1844, during the surveying of the railway line that was to link New Ross and Waterford, Thomas Lacey, of Wexford, noted that Irish was spoken in Glenmore and neighbouring parishes along the proposed route.
The Decline of the Language
Glenmore people continued to speak Irish into the 1870’s and 1880’s although most younger people could also read and write in English. In the 1890’s the Irish language was in decline locally, but shops in New Ross continued to have at least one Irish speaker on staff to deal with the elderly farmers of Glenmore, Tullogher and Rosbercon who continued to speak Irish. By the turn of the twentieth century, when the long awaited railway linking New Ross and Waterford was being built, outside of pockets in the west of Ireland, and a few small rural areas, the Irish language was in a terrible state of decline. Although there was no penalty for utilizing Irish there was little support for it in Ireland.
Society for the Preservation of the Irish Language
In 1877, the Society for the Preservation of the Irish Language was founded in Dublin. This society was concerned that the Irish language was dying and issued three small books for the teaching of Irish. By 1897, over 128,521 copies of the books had been sold. Uniquely this Society was comprised by a number of non-Irish scholars from universities in Paris, Copenhagen, Prussia, England and the United States. While the books issued by the Society allowed Irish to be learned it did not enable the speaking of the language. The Society members were very interested in the old Gaelic literature and manuscripts. It was noted by these scholars that “Gaelic speakers were rare, and when found they were too shy or too ignorant to be of much service…and few could read or write in Irish.” (Monaghan, 1899)
The Gaelic League
In 1893, Conradh na Gaelige (the Gaelic League) formed. The League objected to the scholarly approach to the Irish language. The League sought to preserve and advance Irish as the national language. It also supported the study and preservation of the old literature, but importantly supported modern Irish literature. It sought to engage the population and advance the language through classes, plays, songs, recitations, debates and speeches in Irish.
The group that founded the League included Douglas Hyde (1860-1949) who insisted that the League should be free of politics and open to all. Interestingly Hyde, a Protestant, resigned from the League in 1915 because he contended it had become political. Later Hyde was elected the first president of Ireland serving from 1938-1945.
Another founder was Fr. Eugene O’Growney, who at the suggestion of the Archbishop of Dublin began publishing in the Freeman newspaper “Simple Lessons in Irish.” These articles were later published as a popular book. Other newspapers were asked to provide space for news and articles written in Irish.
The Irish Language Under Attack in Glenmore
The first Branch to be established in the Kilkenny was in Kilkenny City in 1897. To advance Irish the League provided small sums to National School Teachers to induce them to teach Irish to their students outside of the regular school classes. Danny Dowling has stated that his mother, Hannie Dowling née Murphy (1903-1989) told her children that when she attended the Glenmore National School students wore a small stick on a cord around their necks. When a student spoke in Irish a notch would be placed on the stick and punishment inflicted when the recorded notches reached a certain number. Ironically a decade after the League was established and flourishing across the country, in Glenmore, where the Irish language had survived, during the Irish language revival, it was under attack.
The Glenmore Branch of the Gaelic League
It was not until 1910 that a Branch of the Gaelic League was established in Glenmore. The Munster Express on Saturday the 16th of February 1910 announced that nation building was being conducted in Glenmore by this “function which will doubtless prove of historic interest.” Mr. Brett, of the Waterford Branch called on Fr. T. Phelan for his consent and blessing. Fr. Phelan, “ever willing to welcome any movement for the moral, social and educational uplifting of his flock…” gave his consent and blessing to the project.
At nine o’clock the Glenmore meeting was called to order by Nicholas Curran, National Teacher of the Glenmore Boy’s School. He proposed that “A Branch of the Gaelic League be established in Glenmore.” Mr. J. Dunphy seconded the resolution which was unanimously passed. The following officers were elected for the coming year—President, Very Rev. T. Phelan, P.P.; Vice-president, Rev. M. Crotty, C.C.; Secretary, N. Curran, N.T.; J.P. O’Donovan; Committee—Messrs. J. Dunphy, P. Hanrahan, M. Murphy, T. Fluskey, T. Heffernan; Delegates to Waterford District Organising Conference— N. Curran and J. Dunphy.
The meeting concluded in a little “sgoraigheact.” Mr. Foley rendered beautifully two Irish songs and Brian O’Higgins’ Irish comic “Caherciveen.” Mr J. Hanrahan sang ” Skibbereen,” his beautiful clear tenor voice making a marked impression on the visitors. It was said to be a most interesting, and, it is to be hoped, historic night in the “Big Glen.”
School Irish vs. Irish Spoken in Glenmore Homes
Eventually, through the work of the League, Irish became a subject studied in National Schools. Jo Doyle née Mernagh (1932-2021) of Weatherstown, Glenmore, noted that when she was a girl attending Glenmore National School in the 1930’s she was not aware initially that her mother “had a lot of Irish.” The Irish being taught in the National School was different than the Irish words she heard at home. See our post of May 2022 for further information on Jo Doyle née Mernagh.
In 1938, the Folklore Commission recorded Patrick Power (c. 1856-1942) of Jamestown, the last known native speaker of South Kilkenny Irish. The National Folklore Collection, is housed at UCD and has the recording of Pádraig de Paor, from Jamestown, Glenmore (archival reference NFC 323: 174-183) who was 85 at the time of the recording. It is available to read online, most of the 9 pages are in Irish. Danny has explained that one of the unique features of the local dialect of Irish was that the “r” was pronounced as a soft “z” or “s”. Thus Maura was pronounced Ma-zsa (like Zsa Zsa Gabor) a boirín was a boo-sín.
While many people remarked that their parents or grandparents would speak Irish when they did not want the children to understand the conversation an unusual story was recorded by Danny in 1975. Danny interviewed Mai Roche (c. 1918-2001) of Scart, Glenmore. Mai stated that the Michilín Kennedy’s of Rathinure, Glenmore had a young workman for a season. There were three brothers in the house at the time, Michilín, Ristardín, and Phaidín. When the workman arrived he was asked if he spoke Irish. He said that he did not. Every evening the three brothers would “cut the backs off” the neighbours in Irish to ensure that the workman did not know what they were saying. When the season ended, and the young workman was taking his leave, he spoke to the three brothers in Irish, to their horror, letting them know he was a fluent Irish speaker.
Irish Inscriptions on Glenmore Headstones
During the recent survey of the Glenmore cemetery adjoining St. James Catholic Church, there were Irish phrases found on some stones, but only the Edmond Aylward (c. 1835-1908) of Ballinclare, stone has an extensive inscription in Irish. We believe this stone reflects the Irish language revival. The earliest inscription at the top of the stone in 1890 is in English. The inscription covering deaths from 1908 to 1922 are in old Irish and the inscription covering deaths from 1956 to 1996 is in English.
Unfortunately my Irish is limited to a few curse words. Please send any corrections etc. to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Liam Ó Bolguidhir (1992) “The Early Years of the Gaelic League in Kilkenny 1897-1910,” Old Kilkenny Review, p. 1014-1026 [Danny Dowling is acknowledged by the author in footnote 1 of this article].
R.A. Breatnach (1992) “Iargaí de Ghaeilig Chontae Chill Choinnigh,” Éige (1992) vol. 26, p. 21-42.
C. Monaghan (1899) “The Revival of the Gaelic Language,” Proceedings of the Modern Language Association, vol. 14, p. Xxxi-Xxxix. doi:10.2307/456448 available at open access https://www.jstor.org/stable/456448
The featured picture above is the “Symbols of the Evangalists.” The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Picture Collection, The New York Public Library. (1868). Symbols of the evangelists, 8th-9th cen. library of St. Gall, codex 51.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
The Public Execution of Henry “Bounce” Walsh in 1847
In our last blog we outlined the local story passed down in Glenmore concerning Henry “Bounce” Walsh, of Knockbrack, Glenmore, as well as the contemporary newspapers accounts of his 1847 murder trial. Today, we will outline the circumstances concerning his execution.
Henry “Bounce” Walsh was convicted of murdering John Walsh in July 1847. The Kilkenny Journal, and Leinster Commercial and Literary Advertiser, of Saturday the 31st of July 1847 on its front page, covered the murder trial. The judge charged the jury, who retired and returned in less than half hour with verdict of guilty. The prisoner heard the verdict with apparent indifference, and was removed from the bar to await his sentence at the end of the assizes. Throughout the trial it was reported that the accused seemed quite indifferent to the proceedings.
On Friday the 30th of July 1847, Henry “Bounce” Walsh appeared for his sentencing with two others, James Daniel and James Larkin, who were convicted during the assizes of the murder of Arthur William Prim. The trial judge addressed all three convicted men together and told them, “I cannot hold out to any of you prisoners, the slightest hope of a change in the sentences that the law obliges me to pronounce. I have no discretion whatsoever…I would conjure then to employ the short time that remains between the present moment and that in which they are to leave this world, in making their peace with God—repent for the crime that they have committed—and in the hope of that mercy which, through the merits of our Saviour, the Almighty, will show the repentant—in endeavouring to obtain the peace in the next world which they have forfeited in this one…” The convicted man Larkin requested of the judge, “The longest day you can give my lord.” The judge replied that he would provide sufficient time for the convicted murders to seek God’s forgiveness.
Upon hearing his sentence of death, Henry “Bounce” Walsh asked the judge if his father could have his body. The judge replied that was not possible as the law required that he be buried in the gaol yard. Henry “Bounce” Walsh then stated that Jones and another man in the courtroom that he pointed at were responsible for his death. It is not clear who Henry “Bounce” Walsh indicated were responsible for his death sentence. In the newspaper accounts there is no mention of a juror, witness or prosecutor named Jones.
The date of execution for Larkin and Daniel was set for the 25th of August and Henry “Bounce” Walsh was to be executed on the 1st of September. The Kerry Evening Post on Wednesday the 8th of September 1847 reported that Henry “Bounce” Walsh and the other two condemned men, Larkin and Daniel, had on “Monday week” attempted a daring escape from the jail. Given the fact that Larkin and Daniel were hanged on Wednesday the 25th of August the unsuccessful jail break involving the three convicted men, if it occurred, must have occurred at that time or prior to the 25th of August. It was also reported that after the unsuccessful jail break Henry “Bounce” Walsh was exemplary and penitent. “His attention to his religious duties has been intense and unwavering.” It was reported that he regretted involvement in the failed jail break and stated that Larkin had enticed his involvement. When he heard that the other two convicted men had been executed he is alleged to have stated that his mind was at ease and he could devote himself to “making peace with an offended Deity.”
In addition to the alleged jail break another unusual aspect of the newspaper account provides that as he was being prepared for his execution the condemned man joined in the prayers with “great fervency” his “knowledge of English was very imperfect.” An article in the Waterford Mail on the 8th of September stated that when he entered gaol he did not know the Lord’s Prayer, but by the time of his execution he recited it with fervor. It is not clear how much English Henry “Bounce” Walsh understood. For a fascinating account of the impact of the failure to provide interpretation and translation services to Irish speakers see, Margaret Kelleher, The Maamtrasna Murders: Language, Life & Death in Nineteenth Century Ireland (2018).
Henry “Bounce” Walsh was publicly executed on the 1st of September 1847 in front of the Kilkenny gaol in what was described as a mis-managed hanging. His hanging was covered in a number of newspapers across Ireland and England. The below account is taken from the front page of The Waterford Mail, published on Wednesday, the 8th of September 1847.
Execution of HENRY WALSH, (alias BOUNCE), for the MURDER at BISHOP’S HALL
On Wednesday another of those disgusting and barbarous exhibitions, a public execution, took place in front of our [Kilkenny] county prison. Walsh the unfortunate convict let under sentence of death at our last assizes for the murder of a man, also named Walsh, at Bishop’s Hall, expiated that fearful crime by the hands of the executioner. . .
About half-past one o’clock on Wednesday, the unfortunate criminal made his appearance in the corridor, preceded by the High and Under Sheriffs, and the governor of the prison—gentlemen who, we understand exhibited the greatest humanity and kindness to the unfortunate culprit, and throughout were most anxious that all the wretched men who suffered the extreme punishment of the law, should have every comfort and attention consistent with the duty and discipline of the prison, and the miserable condition of the criminals.
His step was firm and unshaken, and his countenance, serene, the colour remaining in his cheeks, and his eyes bright and steady. He joined with his two attending clergymen, the Rev. Messrs. Maher and Hennessy, in prayer, with great fervency, though his knowledge of English was very imperfect. On reaching the press room he prayed with them for a length of time, repeating the responses to the several litanies and penitential psalms with apparent devotion, particularly such portions as from the greater simplicity of the language he appeared to understand. The by-standers, who had heard that on his first entering the prison he did not know the Lord’s prayer, were much surprised at the decency, fervour, and firmness which he displayed all through. When told by the hangman to get up, he did so with readiness, displaying no weakness whatsoever; and he gave that functionary every facility in his power whilst pinioning his arms. He then walked forward boldly on the drop, having the usual white cap over his face, and being placed in the proper position, after standing a moment or two, the unhappy culprit turned his head half round to the pressroom, and exclaimed—“Will I be let spake (sic) a few words? There was no answer, as his meaning was not at once caught. He then repeated firmly—“Will I be let spake a few words, gentlemen?” It was at once intimated to him that he might do so; when he said in a satisfied voice, “that’s right.”
After obtaining permission to speak, the prisoner remained for some time beating his breast, and exclaiming in a low tone, “Lord have mercy upon me. He then in a loud and distinct voice, and leaning forward over the drop, exclaimed in Irish, “Wilshiev-in-shin?” (Are you there?) There being no answer he said in English—“Boys, are ye all there?” More than one voice from outside exclaimed, “we are, we are.” The unhappy man then continued as follows:–“Now, I’m goin’ to die, an’ I’m innocent. An’ I hope I haven’t a lie in my mouth goin’ before my God, bringing my poor soul before him. I wasn’t there, or hadn’t hand, act or part in it. I came up after—if I had been five minutes sooner I’d have saved his life and my own. I forgive all that swore against me,” (here he mentioned various persons by soubriquets, “living,” he said, “in Sliev-rhu,” and “father and brothers,” he continued, “don’t have any revenge in your hearts against them—I forgive them all. An’ boys, let ye all keep from bad company and drinkin’—and iv I was said by me true love I wouldn’t be here today. Let ye all pray for my poor soul (murmurs outside.) “An’ God be wid ye all now, neighbours.” According to other newspaper accounts the crowd cried out, “Lord, have mercy on your soul.”
Here the fatal bolt was drawn, but from the mismanagement the poor culprit, instead of being thrown off, fell on his back upon the board, so that the hangman was obliged to push him out from behind; and from the short and gradual fall the wretched man struggled very hard for some moments, appearing to suffer most poignant agony. During his struggles his father and two brothers who were on the green, beneath the drop, vented their grief in loud cries and exclamations. We were sorry to perceive that a large crowd had assembled to witness this brutalising exhibition, and that women formed a considerable proportion of the multitude, and some of those of a class which though humble, we had hoped did not contain the depraved or indelicate.
We are not advocates for the total abolition of capital punishments—in murder cases alone we think it necessary, but we agree with those who contend for private executions. Should such a barbarous “treat” we again offered to our citisens (sic) a more efficient apparatus of death should be provided than the strangling process which disgraced the execution on Wednesday. Kilkenny Moderator
It is not clear how much of the above account is accurate. For example, a condemned man’s arms were generally pinioned behind his back, yet in the account it is alleged that he beat his chest after his arms were tied. Almost every newspaper that covered the execution in detail condemned public executions. However, it was not until the Capital Punishment (Amendment) Act 1868 that executions were restricted to take place within the confines of prison walls. Shortly before this execution a short article appeared in the Kilkenny Journal and Leinster Commercial Advertiser (18 August 1847) concerning the number of capital convictions and death sentences imposed as reported in the House of Commons. For ease a chart of the information is provided below.
| Years Covered | Persons Convicted of Capital Crimes | Persons Executed |
| 5 yrs prior to 1826 | 5,286 | 307 |
| Next 5 years | 7,077 | 304 |
| Next 5 years | 3,877 | 175 |
| Next 5 years | 707 | 44 |
| 5 years ending in 1846 | 304 | 56 |
It is difficult to believe today that under the common law in the 19th century capital offences included a number of crimes in addition to murder such as rape and even some thefts. For an online list of Irish executions from 1831 to 1899 please see, Richard Clark. From this list persons executed in Tipperary after 1847 were reviewed but there is no apparent link to the Glenmore oral tradition that the real killer was discovered and executed in Tipperary.
Over the past week we received several queries concerning the victim, the executed Henry “Bounce” Walsh and possible links to local Walsh families.
The Victim—John Walsh
Danny Dowling yesterday was not able to shed any light on the murder victim John Walsh. Because the witnesses stated that he turned off the road near the Black Corner it is assumed that he was a resident of Kilmacow parish. There is nothing contained in any newspaper account regarding the age of the victim, whether he was married, had children, or was supporting a widow mother etc. John Walsh was a common name and without a townland or other information we have no way of determining which John Walsh was the murder victim.
The Link—Ned “the Mason” Walsh & Henry “Bounce” Walsh?
Danny stated that he believed that Henry “Bounce” Walsh lived in Knockbrack based upon what he was told over the years by Glenmore residents. Danny believes that this Walsh family, or part of this family, eventually moved to Haggard as this is where Ned “the Mason” Walsh and his brother Michael were born and raised.
The 1901 Census provides that Ned was 21(c. 1880) and Michael was 25 (c. 1876). Thus the men claiming kinship to Henry “Bounce” Walsh were born about 30 years after his execution. The parents of these two brothers were Michael Walsh (bapt. 9 Apr. 1841 at Haggard) and Margaret Walsh née Moore (c. 1849). Michael Walsh and Margaret Moore were married at Glenmore on 1 August 1870. Michael’s father is listed as Michael Walsh, deceased. Michael Walsh (1841) was the son of Michael Walsh and Mary Walsh née Aylward. Michael Walsh and Mary Walsh née Aylward were married at Glenmore on 12 October 1832 and the record indicates that they were both from Hagard (sic). Unfortunately the parents of the bride and groom are not recorded. The only Walsh listed in the 1833 Griffith’s Valuation in “Higgart” (sic) was Michael Walsh who had 21 acres. Thus, it appears that “the Mason” Walshes were in Haggard at least fifteen years before the hanging. We have not ruled out a family relationship, but we have yet to uncover the relationship link. It could be that Michael Walsh married into Haggard and was a brother, uncle or cousin etc. to Henry “Bounce” Walsh.
Other Possible Family Links?
Griffith’s Valuation was conducted in Knockbrach in 1829, and there were no Walshes recorded there. There is no Walsh listed in Coolnaleen, but there is a Michael Walsh in Ardbeg who had 42 acres. Also, in nearby Cat’s Rock, Walter and John Walsh had a joint holding of 120 acres. Danny explained that Ardbeg was the old name for Coolnaleen and just as the Catholic parishes changed in Ossory in 1842 the names of various areas have changed. Unfortunately, there is no obvious baptismal record for a Henry “Bounce” Walsh. No clues are provided in the newspapers as to his age. With respect to his family the newspapers reported that his father and two brothers attended his execution, but no further information was provided.
Lastly, an inquest into the death of a Henry Walsh, aged about 31, was held in Parkstown, Glenmore in December 1864. (Kilkenny Journal and Leinster Commercial Advertiser, 17 December 1864). The jury ruled that this Henry Walsh died of natural causes. It appears that he was born about 1833 and thus was about 14 when Henry “Bounce” Walsh was executed. Could this man who died in 1864 be a cousin or nephew? There are two potential baptismal records for the Henry Walsh that died in 1864. [1] Henry Walsh, baptized 11 March 1831 in Glenmore, the son of John Walsh and Antice Gill. [2] Henry Walsh, baptized 4 June 1835, at Rochestown, Mooncoin, son of Philip Walsh and Mary Smith.
Hopefully a reader will be able to provide further or different information concerning Henry “Bounce” Walsh.
Blog update—Long obituaries are being moved onto their own page which is located under the “Roots” button on the home page. Short obituaries and death notices will remain on the relevant family pages.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh