19th Century
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From Danny’s Files: The Search for Missing Friends
After Danny Dowling (1927-2021) retired he made frequent trips to various libraries around the country gathering information concerning Glenmore and her people. Recently a small red notebook was found in Danny’s voluminous files where he recorded information he gleaned from a set of books entitled The Search for Missing Friends: Irish Immigrant Advertisements Placed in the Boston Pilot. These books were published by the New England Historic Genealogical Society of Boston.
Irish family members emigrating to the United States often travelled at different times and landed in different ports. Communications were difficult and expensive. Often those who were not literate had to rely upon others to write or read their correspondence for them. Thus, family members searching for jobs or opportunities travelled around North America and often lost contact with other family members, particularly during and after the Great Famine (1845-1852) and the American Civil War (1861-1865).
All newspapers of the era published advertisements or notices seeking information or the whereabouts of friends or family, but the Boston Pilot in the 19th century was one of the newspapers of choice for Irish emigrants searching for loved ones. The books containing the advertisements in the Boston Pilot have been Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014, and volume VII covering 1871-1876 is available on line.
The newspaper advertisements or notices provide a lot of information regarding emigrants and are quite poignant. Danny recorded all references that he found to Glenmore from volumes II through V. We have found a few more advertisements or notices referring to Glenmore and added these to the list. We have also attempted to identify the dates of birth, townlands and parents etc. of the persons named in the Glenmore related advertisements or notices. Today, we will focus on the first six entries in Danny’s notebook and have attempted to retain the spellings as they appear in various records to aid others.
(1) Martin Butler (bapt. 14 Feb. 1822) of Flemingstown, Glenmore [Vol. II, p. 305, published in the Boston Pilot 13 Nov. 1852]
“Martin Butler, ship builder, native of Flemingstown, Parish Glenmore, Co Kilkenny, sailed from Liverpool about 4 years ago, for New Orleans. Last heard of was in Cincinnati. Any information respecting him will be thankfully received by his brothers Patrick and Thomas Butler, Jacksonville, Morgan County, Illinois.”
A review of the Glenmore Parish records reveals that John Butler married Catherine Murphy of Ballinlammy, Glenmore on 11 February 1817. The couple had at least 7 children and all but one were recorded as being born at Flemingstown. [1] Thomas Butler (bapt. 11 Jan. 1818); [2] Nicholas Butler (bapt. 7 April 1819); [3] Martin Butler (bapt. 14 Feb. 1822); [4] Bridget Butler (bapt. 20 Jan. 1827); [5] Patrick Butler (bapt. 27 June 1828); [6] Mary Butler (bapt. 31 Jan. 1830, Parkstown] and [7] Catherine Butler (bapt. 15 April 1832).
Of the three known Butler brothers in the U.S. we were able to locate in the Cincinnati City Directory of 1863 a Martin Butler living at Iva Ludlow and 2nd and working as a ship carpenter. We located little regarding Patrick and Thomas Butler in Jacksonville, Illinois. However, a Patrick Butler (1828-1905) was located. According to his headstone in the St. Augustine Cemetery in Ashland, Cass Co. Illinois, he was born in Co. Kilkenny on 20 Mar 1828. Thus, the birthdate is off by 3 months with the Glenmore records. According to the 1900 Census of Cartwright, Sangamon Co. Illinois, Patrick Butler (1828-1905) was a married, farmer and aged 72. He recorded that he was born in March 1828 in Ireland. He immigrated in 1851 and married Margaret Kennedy (1835-1913) in 1854. The headstone records that Margaret Butler née Kennedy was a native of Tipperary. The biographies recorded on findagrave provides that Patrick lived for two years in Jacksonville before moving to Sangamon County, Illinois. To view the headstone click here.
In attempting to determine if Patrick Butler (1828-1905) of Cartwright, Sangamon Co., Illinois was from Flemingstown we attempted to locate all Patrick Butlers born in Kilkenny in March 1828. There was a Patrick Butler (bapt 29 March 1828) born at Baristown, Ballyhale, Co. Kilkenny to Michael Butler and Bridget Mahon. However, no known children of Patrick Butler (1828-1905) were named Michael and the eldest son of Patrick Butler (1828-1905) was named John. Based on the circumstantial evidence, the fact Patrick lived in Jacksonville when he first immigrated, the advertisment in the Boston Pilot etc. it is believed that Patrick Butler (1828-1905) was a native of Flemingstown, Glenmore.
(2) Margaret Dugan, of Ballanerahee (sic) Glenmore [Vol. III, p. 333, published in the Boston Pilot 7 July 1855]
“Margaret Duggan of Ballanerahee, Parish Glenmore, Co. Kilkenny, who landed in Boston two years ago, and went to New York, last May 12 months ago. She said she would go to Savannah. Address her husband John Whealon, Whitewater, Wisconsin.”
A review of the Glenmore Parish records revealed several possible candidates and no marriage could be located for Margaret Duggan and John Whealon. (1)A Margaret Duggan was baptized 11 Dec. 1823 at Ballinerahe (sic) Glenmore to James Duggan and Nelly Costello. (2) A second, Margaret Dugan was baptized 20 May 1821 to Richard Dugan and Mary Geehan at Ballinarah (sic) Glenmore, and lastly (3) another Margaret Dugan was baptized 21 Feb. 1833 at Ballineraha (sic) to Patrick Dogan and Bridget Sutten.
(3) The Kirwan Family, of Glenmore, Co. Kilkenny [Vol. III, p. 175 & 216, published in the Boston Pilot on 23 Sept. 1854 and on 25 Nov. 1854]
Published 23 Sept. 1854
“Bridget and Alice Kerivan of Weatherstown, Parish of Glenmore, Co. Kilkenny, who left home 4 years ago. When last heard from one year ago, were in St. Louis, Mo. Information will be received by their sister Catherine, in care of Malcolm McLoughlin, Roxbury, Mass.”
Published 25 Nov. 1854
“Margaret, Mary, Elizabeth, William and Kate Kerevan from parish of Glenmore, Co. Kilkenny when last heard of were in Roxbury, near Boston. Information will be received by their sister Bridget, care of T.J. Fallan, Catholic Bookseller, St. Louis, Mo.”
It is not clear whether the two advertisements were from the same family as the one in September lists Weatherstown. Women are difficult to trace as their name’s changed upon marriage. However, one family seems to fit most of the persons named in the 25 November publication. [1] William Kearvan (bapt. 20 Jan. 1819) to Michael Kearvan and Margaret Hogan was born in Scartnamac (sic) Glenmore. Margaret Hogan was a native of Weatherstown and married Michael Kearvan on 16 Sept. 1817. Other children in this family included: [2] Margaret Kerwan (bapt. 3 March 1837 at Ballahuck (sic); [3] Mary Kirwan (bapt. 5 Feb. 1840) [4] Patrick Kerwin (bapt. 11 Jan. 1825; [5] Thomas Kerwan (bapt. 13 April 1832) and [6] Maurice Kerwan (bapt. 25 Sept. 1822). In 1854 after most of his siblings emigrated to the U.S. Maurice Kerwan married Mary Scanlon and resided at Ballyhobuck, Glenmore.
(4) Philip Kelly, of Rathinure, Glenmore [Vol. III, p. 175, published in the Boston Pilot on 23 Sept 1854]
“Philip Kelly of Parish Glenmore, Rahanewr (sic), Co. Kilkenny, who came to Quebec 4 year ago, and was last heard from in Philadelphia. Information will be received by his sister Mary Kelly, Cazenovia, Madison County, New York”
A Kelly family containing a Philip and Mary Kelly could not be located in Glenmore. A Mary Kelly was baptized with an address of Glenmore on 18 Oct. 1822 to Thomas Kelly and Anastatia English. A few years later another child named Mary Kelly was baptized on 25 August 1825 at Ballyhubuck (sic) the daughter of John Kelly and Catherine Denn. The townland of Ballhobuck abuts the townland of Rathinure. Unfortunately, no baptismal record could be located for a Philip Kellyof Ballyhobuck or Rathinure.
(5) Patrick Delahunty, Glenmore Parish [Vol. VI, p. 546, published in the Boston Pilot on 11 Dec. 1869]
“Patrick Delahunty, parish of Glenmore, county Kilkenny, Ireland, when last heard from seven or eight years ago, he was in Bloomington, Illinois, at that time he had charge of the freight house. Any person knowing his whereabouts will confer a favor on his brother, William, Hoosick Falls, Rensellaer (sic) county, N.Y.”
Little could be found regarding Patrick Delahunty. However, it appears that William Delehanty (sic) continued to reside in Hoosick Falls, New York and died 17 July 1883, aged 68. William is buried in St. Mary’s Cemetery, Hoosick Falls, Rensselaer County, New York. If his age at death was correct he was born about 1815. Just prior to his death William was living at 63 Church St. (Hoosick Falls Village Directory 1882-1882). A review of the Glenmore Parish records reveals that William Dullehanty (sic) was baptized 3 November 1811 at Glenmore to James Dullehanty and Catherine Crock of Coolaline (sic), Glenmore.
(6) Michael Culleton (1822-1889) of Glenmore, Kilkenny, Ireland [Vol. II, p. 216, published in the Boston Pilot on 8 May 1852]
“Michael Culliton, native of Parish Glanmore (sic) Co. Kilkenny, left home about 4 years since and landed in New York. When last heard of was in Pennsylvania. Any information respecting him thankfully received by his wife, Mrs. Anty Culliton, 28 Mathew St., Chelsea, Mass.”
A review of the Glenmore Parish records reveals that Michael Culleton was married on 19 February 1846 to Anastatia Walsh of Parkstown, Glenmore. Unfortunately, the parish priest did not record the names of the fathers of the couple. However, it is believed that Michael Culleton was the son of Michael Culleton and Ellen Culleton née Mullins of Kilbride, Glenmore and was baptized on 3 August 1822. An immigration records was located that showed that Michael Colleton arrived in New York on 16 May 1848, aged 25. He sailed on the A.Z. from Liverpool, and listed his profession as labourer.
It is not known if Mrs. Anty Culleton located her husband Michael, however it is likely that he joined his wife in the Boston area. On 22 September 1882, Michael Culliton (aged 60) married for a second time in Boston. His second bride was Mary Dunphy (spinster, aged 40). The records reveal that the couple were both born in Ireland. His parents were listed as Michael and Ellen Culliton and her parents were listed as Thomas and Mary Dunphy.
Michael Colliton died 20 May 1889, aged 66 at City Hospital of Boston. His cause of death is listed as pneumonia and exhaustion. At the time of his death, he was living at 26 Terry St.
We hope that you have enjoyed this brief glimpse into the lives of some Glenmore emigrants of the 19th century. Next month we will publish the last six entries from the notebook. Please send any additional information or corrections to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
The featured drawing above is from 1851 and entitled “Irish Emigrants Leaving Home–The Priest’s Blessing.” Courtesty of the New York City Library’s Digital Collection. (Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Picture Collection, The New York Public Library. (1851). Irish emigrants leaving home — the priest’s blessing Retrieved from https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47e1-37f2-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99).
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Glenmore Police Blotter: A St. Stephen’s Night Stabbing in 1864
Glenmore was propelled into the national news in early January 1865 when it was reported that two brothers named Maher, from Glenmore, stabbed and seriously injured Edmond Cody of Ballyverneen, Glenmore. The coverage of the arrest of the defendants provides an interesting glimpse into how the Royal Irish Constabulary (R.I.C.) communicated to make arrests in the days before radio and telephone and also how criminal trials were conducted. The various newspapers and the Rosbercon Petty Session records sometimes referred to Edmond as Edward and the name Cody is sometimes spelled Coady. Edmond Cody was the son of Denis Cody and Mary Cody née Dunphy of Ballyverneen, Glenmore and baptized on 22 March 1840. At the conclusion of the coverage of the trial trial we have recorded the family information discovered regarding the victim, a witness and the defendants.
The Assault
Edmond Cody lived within three and a half miles of Ross. He was in New Ross on the 26th of December and was coming home that evening accompanied by several “boys” including his older brother Richard Cody (bapt. 3 May 1835). They delayed some time at Doyle’s house on the road. One newspaper described that some of the group went into the public house to light their pipes. While James and Edmond Cody were waiting outside the Maher brothers came up to the waiting group and sought two people to fight with them. Edmond Cody saw the Maher brothers earlier in the day in Ross, but did not have any words with them. However, when the challenge to fight was not agreed an argument began and Edmond Cody and James Maher began to “wrangle” and wrestle. Edmond Cody was then stabbed twice by a knife.
The Tipperary Free Press published a rather flippant report of the stabbing. It reported that Edmond Cody, of Ballyverneen, was coming from Ross when he was overtaken by an acquaintance named William Maher who wanted to fight. “Cody would not accede to the ‘modest’ request, and Maher stabbed him with a knife in the arm and thigh. Maher has since absconded, and, we understand, Cody is in a rather precarious state.” (Tues. 3 Jan. 1865, p. 3).
The Arrests
On Wednesday the fourth of January at 11 a.m. Sub-Constable, E.J. Brennan, was on detective duty and observed two men walking along the Quay in Wexford. Their appearance struck the constable as suspiciously similar to two men “gibbeted in the Hue-and-Cry.” He continued to observe the men and he noticed that one of them “wanted some of his front teeth”—a circumstance specifically mentioned in the police sheet. The two men, brothers James and William Maher were taken into custody and charged with having “on the 26th December last, at Shanbough (sic) county Kilkenny, assaulted Edmond Coady (sic), of Ballyverneen, by stabbing him with a knife in his arm and thigh, whereby his life is in danger.” The brothers were taken before James C. Moore, Esq., Resident Magistrate, on the same day they were arrested. The deposition of Sub-Constable Brennan was taken and the brothers were ordered to be transported to Rosbercon, to be “brought up” at the next petty sessions. It was reported that the brothers were natives of Glenmore, and James Maher was 23 and William Maher 19 years of age. Unfortunately the townland where the Maher brothers resided was never provided in any newspaper or court record. “It is understood that their intention was to procure a passage for, and proceed to, Liverpool,” from Wexford port (The Wexford Constitution, Sat. 7 Jan. 1865, p. 2).
The Wexford People (Sat. 14 Jan. 1865, p. 5) also covered the arrest of the Maher brothers and noted that Sub-Constable Brennan in several other cases has “given equal proof of ability.” Prior to serving in Wexford, Sub-Constable E.J. Brennan served in Waterford City (Waterford News, Fri. 20 Jan. 1865, p. 4).
The Hue-and-Cry or Police Gazette was the official newspaper of the R.I.C. published in Dublin every Tuesday and Friday and distributed to all R.I.C. stations on the island. It contained reports of crimes and descriptions of persons wanted for crimes. For further information on Hue-and-Cry see, Woodward, “The Police Gazette or Hue-and-Cry Ireland.” The term “hue and cry” heralds back to the early common law when every able bodied man in the hundred (district) was required to give chase and to capture fleeing felons after this alarm was raised.
The Trial
The Maher brothers were sent from Wexford Town where they were arrested on the 4th of January to stand trial at the petty sessions of Rosbercon. On the 14th of January they were brought before the 3 petty session magistrates James C. Murphy, M. Sweetman and Peter Strange. James and William Maher were charged, “that they did at Chilcomb and Shanbough (sic) in the Co. of Kilkenny on the night of the 26th of December 1864 way-lay and assault the complainants—Richard Coady (sic) and Edward Coady, Glenmore or Ballyverneen.” The case was adjourned until the next court date because Edward Cody was unable to attend due to his injuries. (Rosbercon Petty Session Records).
The Magistrate, Peter Strange (c.1802-1872) lived in Aylwardstown House, Glenmore and is buried in Kilivory graveyard. Chilcomb is a reference to Chilcomb House the birthplace of the writer Victor O’Donovan Power (1860-1933) and in 1870 the home of the Boyd family. For a previous post concerning Victor O’Donovan Power (1860-1933) and for a previous post regarding the Boyd family see “The Legend of Biddy Neddy née Cody (1831-1916).”
On 11 February 1865 the stabbing case was again before the Rosbercon Petty Session Court. The names of witnesses included: Richard Coady (sic); Edward Cody, George Rabbit; James Dunphy and Peter Mullens. After hearing the evidence presented by the witnesses the case was sent to Kilkenny City for trial at the next setting of the Assizes. In other words, the magistrates considered the case too serious to be dealt with at the petty sessions.
Most of the information below concerning the trial of the Maher brothers was found in The Kilkenny Moderator (Wed. 8 March 1865, p. 3). Additional information gleaned from other newspapers is inserted with references.
The Kilkenny Spring Assizes for 1865 for criminal cases commenced on Tuesday the 7th of March 1865. The Judges, the Honourable Baron Hughes and the Right Honourable Mr. Justice Fitzgerald arrived in Kilkenny City early on the 7th. At 10 a.m. the Right Honourable Mr. Justice Fitzgerald presided over the City Crown Court and the Honourable Baron Hughes presided over the County Crown Court. Baron Hughes addressed the Grand Jury stating, “I have received from the County Inspector a return of offences committed; and with two exceptions, they present a favourable condition of your county generally. These two exceptions, however, require some observations. In respect to the number of stabbing cases—that is, cases of serious assault, in which the knife has been used, in four cases by one of the parties—in the fifth by two of the parties…That crime is, as far as this circuit is concerned, peculiar to this particular county. It is very much to be regretted that such a course of crime should be thus introduced into this county…and it is a crime …that every judge on the bench [shall] put an end to by inflicting the strongest punishment the law allows in such cases.” He discharged the Grand Jury and proceeded with the criminal trials. The following 12 man or petit jury was sworn: John Murphy, Edward Hunt, John Doyle, Patrick O’Donovan, John Lawlor, William Edge, Jeremiah Nowlan, Matthew Hogan, Richard Blanchfield, Denis Kavanagh, William Nicholson and Edward J. Maher.
The first case heard concerned the stealing of hay. Although the judge informed the jury of the difficulty in identifying hay the jury convicted the defendant of the theft and he was sentenced to six months imprisonment with hard labour. James Maher and William Maher were tried by the same jury for inflicting grievous bodily harm on Edward Cody on the 26th of December last and they were also indicted for common assault. Both defendants pleaded not guilty and they were not represented. Edward Cody testified that on St. Stephen’s Day he was in Ross and left after six o’clock to go home with six other “boys.” About a mile and a half from Ross he was delayed because some of his companions had gone into a house. The Irish Times (Wed. 8 March 1865, p. 4) wrote that the Cody group stopped at the house of Mrs. Doyle to light their pipes. The Maher brothers came up to the waiting group on the road and began to argue and wrangle with the party. Cody and his friends walked on and the wrangling commenced again and Cody was stabbed on the thigh and left arm. He could not say which of the brothers stabbed him. He reported that he did not see either brother with anything in their hands. Cody made it home and was confined to bed from the stabbing. He admitted that he had “drank a good deal,” but denied having had any dispute with the brothers earlier in the day in Ross.
Richard Cody testified that he was present when his brother was stabbed. When the Maher brothers came up on the road they whistled for some one on the road, threw off their coats and offered to fight any two of the group. He saw William Maher stab his brother. Before the stabbing he heard James Maher ask William Maher to give him his knife. William Maher replied that it was in better hands. Upon seeing his brother stabbed Richard Cody called out that he would have one of their lives and ran to the ditch to get two stones. The Maher brothers then fled. George Rabbit, another of the group waiting outside on the road testified and corroborated the evidence of Richard Cody.
Dr. Mullin testified that he visited Edward Cody on the morning of the 27th February (sic). He found the wound was a very serious one and that Cody was suffering from loss of blood such that his life was in danger. It was evident that the wounds were inflicted by a knife. The Irish Times (Wed. 8 March 1865, p. 4) published that the two severe stab wounds consisted of one “near the groin which exposed the principal blood vessel and the other was in the arm.” The Kilkenny Journal noted that Dr. Mullens, of New Ross, attended Edmond Cody for 14 days (Wed. 8 March 1865, p. 2).
Sub-Constable James Brennan deposed that he arrested the prisoners on Green St. in the town of Wexford on the 4th of January.
Some evidence was given for the defence, but at the time of this trial defendants were not considered competent witnesses and could not testify in their own defence. The Kilkenny Moderator provided little coverage of the defence and stated that the jury without hesitation found the prisoners guilty. Baron Hughes in passing sentence referred to the enormity of the offence, and stated his intention in all such cases to impose the severest penalty. The sentence he imposed of 2 years’ imprisonment with hard labour he considered more severe than penal servitude.
The Kilkenny Journal (Wed. 8 March 1865, p. 2) provided much more information regarding two defence witnesses and statements made by the judge. Thomas Neill testified that while the Mahers were in a house in Rosbercon the Cody’s went into the house and beat the Maher brothers at about 6:30 before the stabbing. The Mahers remained in the house for a considerable time to let the Cody group go home because the Mahers thought they would be beat up.
John Phelan then testified that he saw Edmond Cody strike the Maher’s in a house in Rosbercon. This occurred before the fight on the road where Cody was stabbed. He accompanied the Maher’s part of the way home, but when he saw the Cody’s lying in wait in a ditch to attack them he returned to his own home fearful that they might strike him.
When Baron Hughes summed up, he informed the jury that the man who called for the knife was just as guilty of stabbing as the other who had actually used the weapon. He stated that unless the jury believed that the defendants used the knife in self-defence, the jury should find the defendants guilty. Evidence of the good character of the defendants was then given by two constables. The defendants were described as “well conducted lads, especially William, but James Maher was a little quarrelsome.” After the jury found the defendants guilty the judge said that in sentencing the defendants he was determined to put an end to the use of the knife. If the sentence of two years’ imprisonment with hard labour did not end stabbing and cutting he did not know what would.
Glenmore Families
The Victim Edmond/Edward Cody
As highlighted above Richard and Edmond/Edward Cody were the sons of Denis Cody and Mary Cody née Dunphy (b. 1798). Denis Cody and Mary Duphy (sic) were married at Ballyverneen on 31 January 1826 per the Slieverue parish records. The records also provide that Mary Cody née Dunphy was baptized on 6 December 1798 to Michal Dunfy (sic) and Catherine Murphy. It is believed that her husband, Denis Cody, was the son of Patrick Cody and Alice Cody née Phelan of Milltown and was baptized on 12 September 1792. Griffith’s Valuation (1830) shows that Patrick Cody was a tenant farmer in Milltown, Glenmore.
Denis Cody and Mary Cody née Dunphy had the following known children: [1] Bridget Cody (bapt. 22 Oct. 1828); [2] Mary Cody (bapt. 9 July 1831); [3] Richard Cody (bapt. 11 Feb. 1833); [4] Richard Cody (bapt. 3 May 1835); [5] Ellen Cody (bapt. 19 Dec. 1837); and [6] Edmond Cody (bapt. 22 Mar. 1840). Griffith’s Valuation (1830) of Ballyverneen, Glenmore provides that Denis Cody was a tenant and Richard Dunphy was his landlord.
The Witness George Rabbit
The witness for Edmond Cody named George Rabbit (b. 1839) had an unusual name and was easy to locate. Nicky “the Miller” Forristal in an interview recorded by Danny Dowling on 22 June 1957 listed George Rabbit as a former resident of Ballyverneen (DD Notebook 5). George Rabbit was the son of William Rabbit and Mary Rabbit née Dunphy. William Rabbit and Mary Dunphy were married at Ballyverneen, Glenmore on 20 October 1836. The following children were located for this union: [1] Elizabeth Rabbit (bapt. 16 July 1837) at Ballyverneen; [2] George Rabbit (bapt. 12 May 1839) at Inistiogue, Co. Kilkenny; [3] Stephen Rabbit (bapt 26 Dec. 1941) at Busherstown, Glenmore; [4] Elizabeth Rabbit (bapt 15 Oct. 1843) at Ballyverneen; [5] Mary Rabbit (bapt. 24 May 1846) at Ballyverneen.
The Maher Brothers
The Maher brothers are more problematic. According to the ages provided in the 1865 newspapers James Maher was 23 years of age and would have been born about 1842. His brother, William Maher was reported as being 19 years of age and would have been born about 1846. No birth records could be located for these men in 1842 or 1846. A James Maher was baptized on 5 March 1836 the son of Michael Maher and Johanna Maher née Walsh of Ballinvarra (sic) which is in Slieverue but close to the Glenmore parish border. No record for William could be located.
Please send in corrections or additional information to glenmore.history@gmai.com. It is hoped that one or more readers may be able to provide additional information concerning the event or the people involved.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
The Killing of James Freany at Christmastime 1884
On the 15th of December 1884, a farmer named James Freany, was returning home from Waterford when he was attacked a half a mile from the Newrath police station and died at the Waterford Workhouse Hospital from the injuries he sustained in the attack. According to the newspaper accounts of the murder trial James Freany was about 50 years of age, living at Fahy, Mullinavat and left a widow and four children. His killer was a young farm labourer named James Walsh. James Freney’s death certificate records his death as the 27th of December at the workhouse. His death cert gives his address as Bigwood, he was married, 37 years of age, a farmer and died of inflammation of the brain caused by “strike of whip inflicted by James Walsh at Newrath.” The death cert was received from Edmond Power, Coroner from Waterford after an inquest held on the 28th of December 1884.
The Attack
According to the testimony of James Freany’s employee, Michael Bolger, and Freany’s neighbor, Mrs. Margaret Doyle, the three went to Grannagh on the morning of the 15th of December to sell poultry. They were not paid at Grannagh and had to travel into Waterford City to collect their money. They were heading home in a horse drawn cart at 12:30 in the afternoon when they passed Phelan’s coal yard, at Newrath, where Bolger and Doyle saw the defendant James Walsh. Although Bolger denied that anything was said to the defendant, James Walsh, Mrs. Doyle stated that both Bolger and Freany shouted, but she couldn’t make out what was said (Waterford Mirror and Tramore Visitor, Thur. 12 March 1885, p. 3).
About a quarter to half a mile further up the road the defendant James Walsh jumped over the road side ditch and ran behind the horse drawn cart with a stone in one hand and a hunting whip in the other. Mrs. Doyle upon seeing the defendant rushing toward the cart said to the defendant, “If you leave a hand on these men I’ll prosecute you.” Walsh threw a stone and hit Freany just above his left eyebrow. Freany staggered, fell to the ground, and the defendant, James Walsh, struck him twice in the head with the handle end of the hunting whip. Bolger jumped down, went to Freany and called for Margaret Doyle to run for the police. She refused and said that she would stay with the badly injured Freany. As Bolger set off running for Newrath the defendant threw stones at him (Waterford Mirror and Tramore Visitor, Thur. 12 March 1885, p. 3).
The Newrath constables were soon on the scene and placed James Freany on a car and escorted him to the Workhouse Hospital in Waterford. When James Freany arrived at the Workplace Hospital he was examined by a number of doctors because of his precarious condition. They found the skull completely fractured, and brain and blood protruding from the wound. “No hope of recovery was entertained” (Munster Express, Sat. 20 Dec. 1884, p. 4). In the meantime, Constable Reynolds at the scene of the attack began to give pursuit and saw a man and woman some distance off. The man went into a field and Reynold’s overtook Miss Mary Duggan, James Walsh’s employer. Miss Duggan, resided at Farnogue, Mullinavat. Reynold’s took possession of the hunting whip that James Walsh had given to Miss Duggan after the attack (Waterford Mirror and Tramore Visitor, Thur. 12 March 1885, p. 3).
Attempted to Avoid Arrest
Reynolds and another constable continued to pursue James Walsh, they traced him to Bishop’s Hall and from there to Tory Hill, where he took to the fox covers, and they lost him. Sergeant Twiss, of Newrath, and one of his men disguised themselves, and proceeded to Farnogue to the [Denis] Duggan house. When they knocked at the door they were mistaken for tramps and told that they could not get any relief. They insisted on entering, and when the Sergeant “made known his business” he was told Walsh had not been there that day, and he was not expected that night. The Sergeant insisted on Duggan accompanying him to the Delahunty public house. Twiss told Duggan that he thought Walsh might be there and he needed Duggan to identify Walsh. Duggan accompanied the sergeant, and they reached Delahunty’s where they had a drink; but Walsh was not there. When Duggan got into an argument with others Sergeant Twiss slipped out and went back to Duggan’s house. When he entered through the kitchen door he found Walsh sitting at the fire. Walsh had just arrived. Walsh was handcuffed, arrested and at 10 o’clock lodged in the Newrath lockup (Munster Express, Sat. 20 Dec. 1884, p. 4).
The Trial
The Munster Express published that an Inquest was held into James Freany’s death on the 19th (sic) of December. The newspaper reported that the inquest jury were of the opinion that James Walsh received great provocation (Munster Express, Sat. 3 Jan. 1885, p. 4). In addition to the statements made by Michael Bolger and Mrs. Margaret Doyle other statements were reported in the newspaper from an inquiry held by Resident Magistrate Welch shortly after Walsh’s arrest. William O’Neill, a lad, deposed that after Freany passed Manning’s public house at Newrath, he saw Walsh get in over the wall and run along inside it up the road. The alleged provocation was based on the statements made by Miss Mary Duggan the defendant’s employer. She deposed that she saw “Walsh at Phelan’s store at Newrath, when Freany, Bolger, and the woman Doyle, passed in a cart; heard them shout, as they passed, the words perjurer and land-grabber” which were directed toward James Walsh ((Munster Express, Sat. 20 Dec. 1884, p. 4). It is not clear how James Walsh could be labelled a land grabber as he had no interest in any land.
In March 1885, James Walsh stood trial in what the press dubbed the Newrath Murder Case. Walsh pled not guilty to the charge of murder. He was defended by a Barrister named Lover who was instructed by Solicitor T.F. Strange (1812-1897) (Waterford Mirror and Tramore Visitor, Thur. 12 March 1885, p. 3). [Thomas F. Strange’s family owned the Aylwardstown House and Estate in Glenmore for a couple generations. Thomas F. Strange is buried in Killivory Graveyard, Glenmore.]
The first witness called at the murder trial was County Surveyor, W. L’Estrange Duffin, who produced a map showing the distance from Phelan’s coal yard to where Freany was attacked. It was 414 yards. The Crown also called Michael Bolger and Mrs. Margaret Doyle. They gave evidence consistent with previous statements. Barrister Lover with apparently little to work with attempted to show that the victim Freany was of bad character. Mr. Lover asked Michael Bolger if the deceased was a sober man…the witness replied that he was not. The witness was asked if there was ill feeling between the Freany’s and the Duggan’s (the defendant’s employer and cousin). Mr. Lover asked if the bad blood between the families was in consequence of the Duggan’s having got Freany’s brother bound over to the peace for calling them landgrabbers and other names. The witness denied that the deceased called the defendant an informer and perjurer that day and said he did not know about any bad blood. In cross examining Mrs. Margaret Doyle, Barrister Lover asked if she saw Miss Duggan that day. The witness said that she saw Miss Duggan when Freany was on the ground. He then asked what Miss Duggan said and the witness replied that Miss Duggan said, “he was long looking for that.” Mr. Lover objected to the answer and the judge overruled the objection and responded, “You opened it yourself, but it should not have been asked.” This was apparently the end of the first day of the Newrath murder trial and the Waterford Mirror concluded that the jury convicted James Walsh of the manslaughter of James Freany (Waterford Mirror and Tramore Visitor, Thur. 12 March 1885, p. 3.)
However, further information concerning the trial was found in The Clonmel Chronicle (Wed. 18 March 1885, p. 4). An independent witness, Michael Whelan testified for the Crown. He testified that he was working on the road and stated that he saw the attack. He helped place the deceased in a sitting position against the ditch until Constable Reynolds arrived, and Reynolds placed a handkerchief around the head of the deceased. He said that Bolger was shouting and cursing trying to leave the cart when Walsh ran up, and Freany tried to keep Bolger on the cart. Freaney never said a word to Walsh and never “got in holts with him when he [Walsh] got up to the cart.”
William Neill a boy living at Newrath, testified that he saw the defendant pass over a field on the day of the attack and run along a hedge skirting the main road. He did not see Miss Duggan, Mrs. Walsh or her daughter with James Walsh. Another boy named White gave similar evidence.
Dr. Connolly testified that the deceased had a depressed fracture of the skull. He found a contusion over the deceased left eye that this not cause his death. The wound causing his death could have been caused by the pointed end of a whip handle such as the one in court.
The defendant’s defence rested on his employer cousin, his mother and sister. Miss Mary Duggan testified that James Walsh, his mother and sister went with her into Waterford. They were outside of Phelan’s coal yard when Freaney and Bolger drove past and called Walsh an “informer, perjurer, and landgrabber.” At no time prior to the trial had she alleged that the alleged name calling included “informer.” She testified that the others took a shortcut, but she followed the road. Later the defendant gave her a whip which she gave to the police. Walsh did not return home with her, but came there the same night and was arrested at ten o’clock. She stated that the defendant was a third cousin of hers.
Margaret Walsh, the mother of the defendant, gave an extraordinary account alleging that her son was acting in self-defence when he killed Freany. She stated that he was with her and his sister and Freany and Bolger stopped and waited to attack her son. She testified that Freany grabbed her son by the throat and said “now is our time, there is nobody near him.” Her testimony is contrary to the testimony of all the other witnesses at the scene including the independent witnesses.
The jury was out for a few minutes and returned with a verdict of manslaughter. The judge before sentencing noted that he was glad that the jury took the merciful view of the case, but “in point of law if a verdict of murder had been returned there was ample grounds on the evidence” for a murder verdict. He took into consideration the good character the defendant had prior to the killing and sentenced James Walsh to five years penal servitude. If James Walsh had been convicted of the murder of James Freany he would have hanged. It is difficult to believe that there were no independent witnesses to the alleged name calling, allegedly giving rise to the killing, given that it was at mid-day outside a busy business.
The Victim
Given the contradictions in the records and newspaper accounts James Freany was either 37 or “about 50.” The names of his wife and children were not provided, however, we did find a James Freany and Alice Freany née Ryan having children at Fahee, Mullinavat in the 1880’s. Three children were located: James Freany (bapt. 15 Feb. 1882); Margaret Freany (bapt. 18 April 1883) and Michael Freany (b. 16 Nov. 1884). A marriage record was located for James Freeney (sic) of Bawleloge, Mullinvat and Alice Ryan, of Ballykillaboy, on 10 Feb. 1880 at Kilmacow. The father of the groom is listed as James Freeney (sic) and the father of the bride was Michael Ryan. The only James Freany, who was the son of James Freany, born in Kilkenny was baptized at Glenmore on 31 January 1830. He was the son of James Freny (sic) and Margaret Power, of Ballyvolera, (Mourlerstown) Glenmore. If this is the correct James Freany he would have been 54 when he was killed.
Update 13 Dec. 2021–Patty Brown located the fourth child of the family, Mary Freaney (sic) (b. 1 Dec. 1880). Patty also identified another potential James Freany (b. 1841) that is currently being reviewed. Special thanks to Patty for her help.
The featured drawing above appeared on the front page of the Weekly Irish Times on Saturday the 20th of December 1884.
If anyone has any corrections or additional information please send it to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Glenmore Mummers: Supporting Irish Independence
According to Danny Dowling, mumming troupes performed regularly in Wexford and the tradition was imported into Glenmore. In 1957 Danny interviewed Nicholas “Nicky the Miller” Forristal (1888-1979) who was able to name various members of the first known Glenmore mummers group. Nicky indicated that this group formed about 1886.
Today, outside of historians and persons researching folklore etc. there is often confusion regarding mummers because at various times in various locations across Ireland different people used the term in different ways. For example, in the past festivals and celebrations were marked with the making and wearing of straw costumes. There is evidence that the wearing of straw clothing occurred in bad weather particular by the bacach, or beggars. The straw not only provided warmth, but the rain would run off like a thatched roof. A plentiful supply of straw was generally present in most farmyards for the making of a straw overcoat as the bacach travelled the countryside with news and gossip to entertain his hosts (Anne O’Dowd, “Plaited Rush and Straw Work,” in Traditional Crafts of Ireland (2003) p. 128). Later, in some parts of Ireland men would disguise themselves in straw outfits and headgear to crash a wedding feast they had not been invited to attend. Sometime these party crashers performing their disguised antics were called mummers or strawmen (Séamas ó Catháin, “Mummers & Mumming,” in Traditional Crafts of Ireland (2003) p. 130.
Interestingly some rural parts of the country there was an old custom after harvest of saving the last sheaf of corn which was ceremonially brought home from the field and presented to the woman of the house. Keeping the last sheaf in the house brought general good luck and was a safeguard against witches. The straw from the harvest provided for the making of ordinary household items from plaited ropes (súgán) to hens’ nesting baskets (séideog).. (Anne O’Dowd, “Plaited Rush and Straw Work,” in Traditional Crafts of Ireland (2003) p. 128).
The tradition of mumming apparently goes back to the Middle Ages. It is thought to have developed in England and spread. Although mummers can be traced back in Ireland to at least the 1780’s the first systematic attempt to analyse the Irish mummers plays was published in 1946 by E.R.R. Green (“Christmas Rhymers and Mummers,” Ulster Journal of Archaeology (1946) p. 3-21).
In the west of Ireland mumming apparently evolved into people in disguise visiting homes and entertaining with songs and rhymes usually at Christmas time. In Wexford, mummers performed plays generally following chapbooks. A chapbook was a small pamphlet containing ballads, rhymes, or tales sold by peddlers. This “street literature” was cheaply made and often contained crude woodcut illustrations. Often at the end of the play there was a dance fight with the dancers swinging wooden swords or sticks. This battle dance has led to mummers sometimes being confused with another old custom of Morris dancers. Morris dancers are English male folk dancers who generally wear bells on their calves and carry handkerchiefs or fans as they perform their elaborate sets. In 1974, Alan Gailey published an article “Chapbook Influence on Irish Mummer’s Plays” (85(1) Folklore 1 (1974)). Gaily described the usual characters in the known “chapbook” publications including Prince David, St. Patrick, the Grand Signor and the doctor in a comical “cure scene.” By the turn of the 20th century the rhymes and characters of the Wexford mummers’ plays were re-written to “accord with nationalist sentiments” (Gailey, p. 6).
In the 1957 interview Nicky the Miller noted that a dance platform was built at the Ballygurrim cross roads in about 1885. The following year a group of men from Glenmore formed a mummers’ group. They were “trained by coach” from Wexford. In addition to providing the names of the group Nicky stated that the group travelled to Mullinavat where they “gave a big display of their talents” and they had a “keg of beer between them to quench their thirst.”
Nicky the Miller identified ten men as Glenmore Mummers. Information not provided by Nicky the Miller has been placed in brackets [ ]. The captain of the Glenmore Mummers team was Martin Cahill [b. 1854] of Ballycroney, Glenmore. His three brothers were also members, Phil [b. 1865 never married], Dick and Mick Cahill [b. 1863] married and lived in Waterford and worked at Strangman’s brewery.
Other members of the team included:
Jack Merrigan, of Milltown, Glenmore–He was uncle of the present (1957) Dinny Murphy of Milltown. He later emigrated to the USA and died in New York;
Ned Purcell, of Forristaltown and later lived in Weatherstown, Glenmore;
Neddy Walsh, of Milltown, never married and worked at Jack Doherty’ of Milltown;
Dick Walsh, of Bushertsown and Ballalog, was a brother of Neddy Walsh. Dick worked for Dinny Merrigan and married Dinny’s sister. The married couple moved to Waterford. [The Glenmore Parish records reveal that Richard Walsh married Ellen Merrigan in 1895.];
Dan Dowling, [1862-1945] of Jamestown, Glenmore [Danny Dowling’s paternal grandfather] and
Ned Doolan, of Shanbogh.
In attempting to locate more information on the Glenmore mummers a newspaper search revealed that in 1892 the Glenmore Mummers performed and the names of the group are not provided in the newspaper article. However, the article does confirm that the group was performing in the Wexford tradition with a nationalist sentiment including the word “independence” placed on the play’s scenery. The following article is from the front page of the Munster Express of 6 February 1892.
ENTERTAINMENT AT GLENMORE—On Sunday evening last a most successful and highly conducted soiree came off at Glenmore, Co. Kilkenny. The proceedings commenced about 7:30 p.m., and under the able management of the local young men, who are formed into a society called “Mummers,” have composed a part representing twelve powers of Europe, an exhibition of which they gave on the night in question, and which proved high satisfactory and afforded pleasure to the many spectators present. The different parts met with loud applause, and for the first time they gave an exhibition and played their different parts publicly, they deserve all credit for the painstaking manner through which they went through their work. The apartment, which was kindly given for the purpose, was beautifully decorated with evergreens and other ornamental designs, and here and there on the walls could be observed in letters, worked with ivy leaves, the words, “independence,” “welcome” etc. Many songs and dances were gone through until about 8:30, when the “Mummies” entered, dressed beautifully with different coloured dresses and bearing emblems representative of the Nationality which each acts the part of. The representative of the first high personage was the captain of the club, who marched forward and related his exploits in a strong manner. He is met on the way by Prince George, and then St. Patrick enters on the scene and speaks independently to the Prince. Next appears the representatives of Napoleon, Lord Wellington, and Emperor of Russia. The latter meets the Grand Seignior (sic), and both fight in single combat, resulting in the fall of the Grand Seignior. A doctor then enters, and offers to cure the Grand Seignior (sic), but claims high compensation for his medical skill, which seemed rather limited. His prescription for the wounded warrior provoked merriment, but however, he succeeded in restoring to health the Grand Seignour (sic) who, when fully recovered, relates his exploits in the other world, as his imagination led him to believe he saw a glimpse of it. Lord Nelson represented, as also the Poles’ King, and Julius Caesar. Daniel O’Connell, and the representatives of the above great men having fully expressed the ideas and the exploits gone through in by gone days by those heroes, they formed in a circle and to a beautiful selection of music on violins, danced in a semi-circular motion, one rank meeting the other, and both parties slashing swords. The above ended with the rendering of the National Anthem, “God Save Ireland,” in capital style. The party composed of these young people and the part they have selected appears critical; yet with perseverance they reached the standard of perfection, and whenever they next give an exhibition, they should be highly appreciated for their exertions. The rendering of some songs and recitations, speeches and dialogues, brought the proceedings, which were creditably gone through, to a close.
Although we have a general description of the Glenmore play from the newspaper account, thanks to the efforts of N.A. Hudelston the probable lines are available. Hudelston collected a written copy in 1958 of a play containing 290 lines from John Pierce, of Rosslare Harbour. Fifty more lines were obtained in oral interviews of five more men. It was noted that this play was performed until the First World War, but the language and events in the play revealed that the the original play dates back to 1820-1850. (Hudleston, “The Wexford Mummers’ Play,” The Past: The Organ of the Uí Cinsealaight Historical Society (1964) p. 152). The cast of characters in the play includes: The Captain; Prince George; St. Patrick; Dan O’Connell; Napoleon Bonaparte; Lord Wellington; The Czar; The Grand Signor; The Doctor; Lord Nelson; The Polish King; and Julius Caesar. The excerpt below is from the lines of Daniel O’Connell toward the end of the play.
Excerpt
Here I am, the great O’Connell, from a knightly race I came, My royal habitation lies in ancient Derrynane. I am the man they call brave Dan, your friend on each occasion, And the first M.P. that ever sat of the Catholic persuasion. For my country’s wrongs I deeply felt, they tilled me with vexation, And our cruel foes for to oppose, I formed an Association. ‘Tis certain sure, the Church most pure, should persecution bear, But the Penal yoke was lately broke by electing me in Clare; To Parliament straightway I went, in hopes to free our nation, Wellington and Peel, I made them yield and grant Emancipation. That still-born pact, the Stanley Act, supplants the Church’s ambition, Those vexatious tithes I have laid aside, by a total abolition. The Catholic rent I underwent to break and wreck in twain…
By St. Patrick’s sons you have laurels won, and been raised to dignity; Our brothers’ cries you did despise, and our country’s misery. So now your cause, and Penal Laws, I’ll expel by exhortation, Those notorious tithes I’ll lay aside or in blood I’ll steep the nation. Your tyranny won’t frighten me, nor your hellish emigration, Your infernal ends, they stood your friends—if I live, I’ll free the nation. Now, gentles all, I must conclude, I have no more to say…
It isn’t known whether the Glenmore men identified by Nicky the Miller were the same group that performed in 1892. If the Glenmore Mummers followed this play with similar nationalist speeches, scenery advocating independence etc. it may go some way to explaining why the Munster Express did not publish their names.
Please send any corrections or additional information etc. to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
The Hudleston article is available on Justor, Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/25519869 . The featured drawing above was drawn by Dudley Terrant at Christmas time 1919 of a performane of an old Christmas mummers’ play of St. George and the Dragon and published in The Sphere (3 January 1920, p. 13). The photo from January 1950 above is of the Andover, Hampshire mummer’s play. For over 300 years the men of New Street in Andover, Hampshire performed this traditional mummers play without script. The words were passed down from father to son.
The Legend of Biddy Neddy Doolan née Cody (1831-1916) [Updated]
The following account or accounts was primarily obtained from the Wexford People newspaper of 11 August 1880. On 9 August 1880, a twenty-one year old newly qualified solicitor named Charles Boyd died from a gunshot wound he received the previous afternoon as he travelled in a horse drawn car with his father, brother and cousin to visit a farm near Glenmore. The father of the slain man was Thomas Boyd who immediately announced that the attack on his family was an agrarian outrage. He had purchased the lands of Shanbogh in about 1870, moved into Chilcomb House, in Rosbercon and raised the rents of some of the tenants. Thomas Boyd was approximately 60 years of age in 1880, a solicitor with a good practice in New Ross. He owned a considerable amount of property extending from his home almost two miles down the river. The newspaper reported that he was a Sessional Crown Solicitor for the county and was also Crown Prosecutor for County Tipperary.
Within a day or two of the shooting eight people, all from the area, were arrested for the murder of Charles Boyd, including siblings John, Michael and Anastatia Whelan; their cousins Walter Whelan and James Holden; and their brother-in-law Thomas Murphy. Two workmen Patrick Thompson and James Power were also arrested. The prisoners were remanded and conveyed to Kilkenny jail. In a future post we will examine the newspaper accounts of the murder itself and the murder trial, but today we would like to highlight the gossip that was freely reported in local as well as national newspapers concerning the attack being motivated by J.T. Evans Boyd’s maltreatment of the Widow Doolan known in Glenmore as Biddy Neddy. Biddy Neddy was a member of the Neddy Cody family of Ballycroney, Glenmore.
There is much confusion within the Wexford People (11 Aug. 1880, p. 5) with the Freeman’s Correspondent noting that there were all sorts of rumours as to the cause of the outrage, the most popular being that “Mr. Boyd had a dispute with a widow named Doolan.” The Freeman Correspondent then went on to directly link Thomas Boyd (the father) to the dispute with the WIdow Doolan. On the same page the Wexford People’s correspondent linked the dispute to J.T. Evans Boyd. James Murphy in his book Rosbercon Parish: A History in Song and Story (2000), covers the murder, but fails to make any mention of the Widow Doolan. It is alleged in the book that three men from TIpperary mistakenly killed Charles Boyd instead of his brother Evans who had molested in Tipperary one of their female relatives (p. 327). Unfortunately no references are provided, so the source of this allegation is not known.
Biddy Neddy became something of a local legend for refusing to abandon her farm in the face of a wealthy man, who was not her landlord, attempting to take over and push her out. Armed with a gun she fired shots over the heads of the herd he placed on her land and drove them from her farm (Bartley Holden interview 1974). When bailiff’s threatened to arrest her people from all over the parish turned out to support Biddy Neddy. These events took place just weeks before the first Glenmore meeting of the Land League and days before the murder of Charles Boyd. For information on the formation of the Land League and the Ballyfacey Eviction riots of 1885 see our previous post of 8 March 2020.
The following appeared in the Wexford People, on Wednesday the 11th August 1880 ( p. 5).
“The cause of the murder of Charles Boyd is said to be agrarian, although it has been freely hinted that there were other reasons for the attack. The following may, perhaps, throw some light upon the subject…”
Rumours reached New Ross on Saturday of an active dispute about land between Mr. J. T. Evans Boyd and a widow named Doolan, residing at Jamestown, about 3 miles from New Ross. “Wishing to ascertain the exact state of affairs” the Wexford People sent a “Special reporter” to the residence of Mrs. Doolan. Why was the newspaper interested, before the murder, concerning the dispute between Boyd and the Biddy Neddy? Boyd was not the landlord of Biddy Neddy’s holding in Jamestown. According to the newspaper, Boyd’s account was that 2 or 3 years previously the Widow Biddy Neddy Doolan found it difficult to pay her rent, and Boyd advanced the money. To cover the advance it was arranged that Boyd put some cattle on the Doolan farm to graze. Boyd alleged, according to the newspaper that a dispute arose as to amount to be paid for the grazing. Cattle that Boyd had put on the farm were driven out.
The reporter proceeded on Sunday morning, the 8th of August, the day of the attack on the Boyd family, along the old road and noted that it was in a terrible dilapidated state. After he crossed a broken down bridge over a little stream which divided Shanbogh, the townland owned by Boyd, from Jamestown, and from the top of a hill gained a view of the comfortable looking homestead of the Widow Doolan, girthed by a profusion of poplars and sycamores. He followed the path to the house and found on closer inspection…”the place wore an aspect of listlessness almost bordering on despair…” Biddy Neddy Doolan was at Mass in Glenmore, so the reporter waited. When Biddy Neddy returned from Mass she provided information concerning her side of the dispute.
“The Rev. John Lymbery, of Fethard Castle, Countv Wexford, is my landlord, and Mr. Henry Mackesy, of Waterford, his agent. This farm was taken by my husband’s brother, Daniel Doolan, in the year of the bad times (1848 probably), and I have been living in it with my husband, Patrick Doolan, since the 8th day of July, 1856.” The couple were married on that day in Glenmore church. “His death occurred about 13 years ago. There were originally 65 acres in the farm, but about three years after my husband’s death I lost the eight acres in Ballycroney. I was £100 in arrears with my landlord shortly after my husband died, but the landlord allowed me to pay it back by annual instalments of £5 each, which was added to the yearly rent, making it £7O, instead of £65. A few years ago, Mr. Evans Boyd came to me and asked to buy some straw which I had for sale. He asked me what I was going to do now, and when I said that I did not know, remarked that it was a pity that I should lose such a fine property. He said it was a great shame that I should be robbed by those Yankees, (meaning a man who had married my daughter, and who had been in Australia for some time). Mr. Boyd then said he would stand by us. This was in February, 1879. In the latter end of that month Mr. Boyd went to the agent and paid half a year’s rent £32 10s, but he got full value for that in grass, as my landlord, the Rev. Mr. Lymbery, told me. He sent 84 sheep, 29 heifers and some cows to graze on the land, from May till October, and they remained there off and on; he changed them according as he desired. He then paid a full year’s rent for 1879. For this we paid himself with five acres of hay in July, five and-a-half acres of corn—barley and oats—of my own sowing, two sows with eight bonhams each… and a yearling heifer valued at £4, which he took to my disadvantage, as if the animal remained with me I would have got twice that amount for it.”
Biddy Neddy went on to state that Boyd, apparently not happy with the grazing and the animals he took also removed two ploughs and a harrow, which deprived Biddy Neddy of the ability to till her land. Additionally, two cars and the horse tackling were removed. Biddy Neddy stated, “for the loss of which I could not go to mass, fair or market… He would never give me any reason for taking them. My own horses helped along with his horses, to till the land—even to the drawing of the manure. He then wanted me to sell the horses off the land. I did not know it then but I know it now very well that the whole thing was managed to get me out of the place—and off to America or Zululand. He gave us flour and meal, but we earned it by our own labour on the land, and we were sometimes almost cases for doctor’s treatment before he would give it to us, so much so that only for the kindness of the neighbours in lending us meal, we would have starved.”
“He said that Ireland, England, Scotland, Waterford or Dublin would not hold me, that I should go to America… He wanted to get rid of me altogether, but I would not go… He told [my daughter Brigid] on the 28th June that if myself, my son Daniel and my daughter Ellen went to America, he would get Bridget a situation in a friend’s house, and would at the end of two years, either give her up the farm or £100.”
“Last Friday week he sent up one of his workmen with the cattle. I told the man that he (Mr. Boyd) had plenty out of my place now, and that neither himself or his cattle would come in here again. …A man came next day. When I asked him for his authority he said he had none, but that he would put the cattle in there in spite of me. I drove the cattle out on Sunday morning, and sent my son and daughter with them. On Monday, Hammond, the bailiff, came for a settlement, and said he would seize on a cow of my own which I had here unless Mr. Boyd’s cattle were allowed to remain. I then asked him for his authority which he said he would get and that he would put me in jail… On Tuesday they brought in the cattle in spite of us and left bailiffs to watch them night and day, but although some men searched the place for them that night they could not be found. Mr. Evans came on Tuesday while I was in town, and asked my daughter Bridget what sort of d—n hum-bugging this was (refusing to allow the cattle in)… my daughter Bridget told him that the row was all because he wanted me to go to America…Then Hammond and four more bailiffs came on Thursday, and pretending to have authority, began to pull down the fence, and said the cattle would now go in. Bridget asked him to show his legal authority, and he said he would. He pulled a paper out of his pocket, but would not give it to her to read. She then asked him if he would give her a copy of it, but he excused himself by saying that he had no pencil and paper to write the copy, although she ran into a neighbouring house and got both pen and paper, he refused to give her a copy. There were a few of the neighbours present on this occasion, and they kept Hammond and the rest off the ground. When be saw he could not get in that day he told the people he would come next day with a lot more police, bailiffs, and the whole town of Ross, and get in in spite of us.”
“The very next day (Friday) sure the country side came to the place, armed with pitchforks, scythes, sticks, and other weapons, but the bailiffs did not put in an appearance, and have never meddled with me since.” Biddy Neddy opined that Boyd got double if not treble the amount which he paid on her account. At the end of her “graphic narration” Biddy Neddy concluded that she would prefer to have her life down upon the threshold of her own homestead, than to accept any remuneration whatever, and be banished from her native country.
With the parish register we were able to verify that Patrick Dowling married Bridget Coady of Ballycroney at Glenmore on 7 July 1856. Bridget was baptized at Glenmore on 18 September 1831 at Ballycroney. Her parents were Edmund Cody and Mary Cody née Kirwan. Patrick Dowling and his wife Biddy Neddy had six known children: [1] Edmund Dowling, bapt. 19 April 1857; [2] Mary Dowling bapt. 8 Sept. 1858 bapt. (record lists her mother as Margaret Coady (sic); [3] Bridget Dowling, b. 6 January 1860; [4] Margaret Dowling, b. 2 September 1861; [5] Daniel Dowling, b. 21 Dec. 1862 and [6] Ellen Dowling, b. 9 February 1865.
Although Biddy Neddy stated that her husband Patrick Dowling died 13 years before her confrontation with Boyd over the grazing of her farm, no death certificate could be found for 1867 which is about the time public records began to be kept.
In terms of the Yankee who Evans Boyd referenced who married Biddy Neddy’s daughter, the Glenmore parish records reveal that Mary Dowling married Edward Mullally on 4 March 1878.. The Civil records reveal that Edward was a farmer and the son of Edward Mullally of Ballykenna. On 1 Feb. 1879 Edward Mullally and Mary Mullally, née Dowling had a son they named Edward Mullally who was baptized at Jamestown. No death records could be located for Edward or his wife, or any further children. It is believed that the couple with their young son emigrated as stated in the account of Biddy Neddy in the Wexford People.
Biddy Neddy died at the age of 85 on 17 April 1916 at her home in Jamestown that she refused to leave in 1880. Her son Daniel Dowling was present at her death. She was buried in Ballygurrim Graveyard. Her son, Daniel Dowling was the paternal grandfather of our founder Danny Dowling (1927-2021).
The feature photo is the gable end of the Ballygurrim Church ruins. The photo was taken in 2020.
Special thanks to Adam Cashin for correcting the confusion over the names of the Boyd men. [Updated and corrected 15 Nov. 2021]. Please send any further information or corrections to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Local Accounts of Body Snatching
Long before newspapers became available on the internet to search, Danny Dowling (1927-2021) spent a considerable amount of time in libraries reading old local newspapers in his quest for information on Glenmore. Often when Danny would come across an article that he found interesting he would make a notation in his notebook recording the newspaper, date and page. Below are excerpts from several articles that Danny collected on body snatching, resurrectionists or as the Waterford Mail newspaper dubbed them the “sack-em ups.”
It is well documented that in the 18th and 19th centuries medical institutions in order to teach anatomy to medical students required fresh cadavers. Unfortunately, the majority of bodies that could be obtained legally were those of executed criminals. The demand by medical institutions far exceeded the supply. Doctors resorted to paying for “illegal” fresh cadavers without asking how the cadaver was obtained. While medical students and professional body snatchers worked at night in nearby grave yards digging up corpses two Irishmen living in Edinburgh, Scotland, hit upon a labour saving plan. William Burke and William Hare, obtained the freshest cadavers because they resorted to killing others who lived in their boarding house. William Burke (1792-1829) was hanged in January 1829 for his role in murdering and selling the bodies of 16 people over a 12 month period. Ironically Burke’s body was given to the medical institution where he sold his victims. These events led to the Anatomy Act of 1832, that increased the means of legally obtained cadavers. Now the bodies of the poor, such as those dying unclaimed in hospitals, workhouses, and prisons could now legally be taken for dissection. This legislation does not appear to have stopped the trade.
In November 1833, the Waterford Mail newspaper under a headline “Resurrectionists in Waterford,” reported that a woman named Johanna Power, was interred the previous week a few miles from town. “From the unusual circumstances of two medical young gentlemen driving into town in a peculiar kind of vehicle, long after midnight on Tuesday morning, some suspicion about the resurrection of the body were excited, and a search being accordingly instituted, the remains of poor Johanna were found entombed within a sack, on the upper floor of a store in Michael Street.” After the discovery, the body of the old woman was recommitted to the earth, in what the newspaper stated was “a much decent coffin and attended by a much larger funeral than before.”
“But curiosity was still at work to find out the “Sack-em ups,” and from a combination of circumstances with which we are not acquainted, suspicion at last settled upon the Messrs. Kenney.” In what was a resurrectionist riot, “a large mob rushed down towards the cross accordingly, about noon, on Thursday, and broke the shop windows of these gentlemen, and it was evident that the rioters would have proceeded to an attack of a more violent nature, but for the timely presence of the Mayor and constables. A party of soldiers were ordered from the barracks, but the rioters were nearly dispersed before they arrived.” Mr. Kenney’s shop remained closed, as it was feared that the mob would repeat the attack (Waterford Mail, Sat. 16 Nov. 1833, p. 2).
The problem appeared to be much worse in the Dublin area. The Waterford Mail also reported in 1833 that in Mark’s church yard “the resurrectionists raised no less than seven bodies in all, succeeded in taking away five, and left two more exposed behind them” (Waterford Mail, Sat. 9 Feb. 1933, p. 1). In December the church yard of Monkstown was entered and several graves opened with the grave clothes and coffins left scatted about the Church yard (Waterford Mail, Sat. 21 Dec. 1833, p. 4). In 1834, two resurrectionists were shot in the Rathfornham churchyard while attempting to disinter the body of a lady. The shootings were reported to the Rathfarnham police when a servant of Baron Smith reported that there was a wounded man lying in his master’s lawn. The wounded man gracing the lawn was Christopher Carney who told the police that he and two men named Dighan and Hanbury were in the Rathfarnham Church yard at 3 a.m. When they were digging into the grave two shots were fired from the watch house attached to the Church yard. Carney was wounded in the thigh and abdomen and Hanbury’s arm was broken. The police subsequently arrested James Hughes and Anthony Neil, the men who shot the resurrectionists. Hughes and Neil had been placed as guards to protect the grave of the lady. A search of the grave yard revealed that the resurrectionists had a loaded pistol with their tools (Kerry Evening Post, Sat. 4 Jan. 1834, p. 2).
After the 1830’s very little was reported in local newspapers concerning the trade. However, in 1859 a news item from the Cincinnati Gazette was published under the headline, “A Man Hung by a Corpse.” “A body snatcher who had stolen a corpse from a graveyard in the neighbourhood of that city” placed the corpse in a bag. He closed the bag with a cord which he placed around his shoulder. While attempting to climb over a high fence, the corpse fell on one side of the fence and the body snatcher on the other. The cord slipped around the body snatcher’s throat and he was choked to death (Wexford People, Sat. 26 March 1859, p. 3).
The Waterford Mirror and Tramore Visitor, published an article in 1865 concerning a related trade on the Thames. “Every night throughout the year boats start on an unholy mission. Men live by fishing for corpses. This ghastly trade is at least as profitable as regular labour…” It was noted that often there was a reward for the recovery of a corpse offered for the body by a friend or legal representative of the deceased. Also, there were sometimes valuables or money in the pockets of the deceased. However, at the very least the coroner paid six shillings for every corpse brought to him. It was alleged that after stealing the money or valuables the corpse was usually slipped back into the river to enable another man to claim the six shillings. Although it was alleged that the Thames Police took prompt charge of all bodies that they see there were not enough boats or men to cover the river. London Express. (Waterford Mirror and Tramore Visitor, Wed. 6 Sept. 1865, p. 4).
In 1890, the Waterford Standard published an article announcing, or perhaps warning readers, that luminous harness had been patented. A horse being driven at night “looks like a sheet of lightening. There are luminous match boxes, and luminous ghosts to scare away grave robbers. After every great grave robbery metallic coffins come in by the score…” “one coffin surrounded by bars of wrought iron, binding the casket and extending out from it at such a distance that when set in the earth it would be impossible to move it except by derrick” (Waterford Standard, Sat. 30 August 1890, p. 4). It appears obvious that body snatching or grave robbing continued to be a concern locally.
In Glenmore right through the early 20th century, after a funeral the chapel door would be left open and the chief mourners would spend a certain number of nights in the chapel to ensure that the new grave would not be robbed. Nicholas Forristal (1888-1979) of the Mill, Graiguenakill, told Danny that prior to around 1880 a man who lived at the bottom of the “churns” in Glenmore used to dig up a fresh corpse, place the corpse in a large basket in a horse drawn cart, drive the corpse into Waterford and sell it to a doctor who would use the corpse for training new doctors. The man on his return trip from Waterford was said to fill the basket with bread and bring it back to Glenmore. No newspaper report has been found regarding any body snatching or grave robbing occurring in Glenmore in any of the cemeteries. It may have been a fireside story told to entertain the young and based on events that occurred elsewhere and reported in local newspapers. For further information on Glenmore funeral practices see our previous post of 8 December 2019.
The drawing of William Burke above was made by a portrait artist who sat on the jury of the murder trial. Available at
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:William_Burke.jpg.
The featured photo above is the Kilcolumb grave yard taken in 2019 by Louise Walsh.
Please send any additional information or corrections to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh