Glenmore, Co. Kilkenny, Ireland

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The Murder Trial of Patrick Donovan, of Ballyveria, Glenmore

In our last blog post we outlined the information that Danny Dowling recorded regarding the murder of Michael Rigby in Kilbride, Glenmore on 14 May 1841. In addition to the oral tradition that passed from one generation to the next, we are very fortunate that the details of the murder trial held in August of 1841 were reported extensively in the Kilkenny Moderator on 11 August 1841 (p. 2-3). From a legal history standpoint, one aspect of the reported trial that is interesting is the extensive exchange the judge had with the accused Patrick Donovan prior to sentencing. It was not until 1898, that an accused was allowed to testify in his criminal trial. It was believed that whether the accused was guilty or innocent, the fear of punishment would cause an accused to commit perjury, so no criminal defendant was allowed to testify. In Patrick Donovan’s trial for the murder of Micheal Rigby the judge was Baron Richard Pennefather (1773-1859). The prosecutor was Mr. Scott, Q.C. It is not stated that Patrick Donovan was represented by counsel, but there is a reference to Mr. Rolleston, cross-examining Crown witnesses. Excerpts of the newspaper account are provided below and where possible the actual language reported is utilized. The account was provided by a newspaper reporter and is not a verbatim transcript of the testimony.

Mr. Scott, Q.C. gave the jury a brief outline of the case. He contended that Patrick Donovan, aged 28, wilfully murdered Michael Rigby, aged 50, by “giving him a mortal wound on the head with a stone.” “The case was one which could only be presented as one of murder, and the only question was as to the identity of the perpetrator.” He set forth the motive, opportunity, dying declaration of the victim naming his killer, an eyewitness, as well as “so many circumstances…as to leave no doubt of the result.”

The first witness to testify was Captain Benjamin Bunbury who was the agent for Mrs. Caulfield the landlord of Ballyvara (sic). Captain Bunbury revealed to the jury the motive for the murder. “The prisoner married a widow woman, and so became tenant of four acres of the land; he was removed in June, 1840, for non-payment of rent, and for alienating two of them by sale…” In other words, Patrick Donovan as a tenant failed to pay the rent on the land and then alienated, or induced others to take part of the land, collected rent and kept the rent or rent in kind he collected. Before Captain Bunbury learned of the alienation of the two acres he had agreed that Donovan could return if he paid part of the rent owed. When Captain Bunbury found out about the “alienation” of the two acres he refused to allow Donovan to return to the land. Donovan then asked, “who will you get to take it?” Banbury replied, “many, no doubt.”

Ballyveria, Glenmore–a field across the road from where Katie Leary’s shop was located. It is believed that this was part of the four acres per the description provided by James “Jimmy Mac” McDonald

The next witness was Thomas Rigby one of the sons of the murder victim. He provided the jury among other things, that the defendant had opportunity. Although it was not reported in the newspaper account the age of this witness, (thanks to the Rigby research of Patty Brown & Ann Fitzgerald)  we know that Thomas was 19 years of age. Thomas testified, “my father is dead; I remember the day he died; we left home that morning in company at about the hour of eight o’clock; I was going to the land which Donovan formerly held; my father had been about eight months in possession of the land; the prisoner asked me would we give up possession of the ground if Captain Bunbury allowed him, and I said we would; on the morning of the murder I saw the prisoner coming up a lane from the village of Ballyvara; he was about a perch (16.5 feet) off; he shook his head at me, and I was alarmed and told my father what had been done by the prisoner; I looked back once more, and the prisoner again shook his head; I and my father then went on our land, and my father parted me and went off along a path in the direction of Glenmore, a man named Hanrahan was ploughing about three fields off, and my father stopped to speak to him; I here observed the prisoner and a man named Walsh coming from a lane and making towards the path on which my father was; they got on the path and went off in the direction of Glenmore; the deceased had only gone a few yards out of Hanrahan’s field when the prisoner and Walsh left it too, going the same way; after this I saw the three in company going off, and this was about four perches from the place where I lost sight of them; the next time I saw my father was about one o’clock; he was then beaten; I and two of my brothers and two girls remained working in the field, when Hanrahan brought the news that the deceased was killed; my brothers ran before me, and I knew where the deceased lay by hearing their cries; when I came up he was lying in my brother’s arms, and moaning; he died in an hour.”

The cross examination of Thomas Rigby was by Mr. Rolleston. From the answers reported in the newspaper it appears that the counsel was attempting to show that Walsh also had motive and opportunity to commit the murder. Thomas Rigby stated, “l knew Walsh’s brother; he held one of the four acres from which Donovan had been ejected.” He was also questioned about the distance from which he observed his father near Donovan and Walsh, “there were eleven stone fences between me and Hanrahan’s field, and four ditches between me and the place where I saw my father last.” It also appears that he was challenged regarding the alleged head shaking by the accused and replied, “I stated to several persons and to the coroner, that the prisoner shook his head at me that morning.”

The next to testify was another son of the victim 25 year-old James Rigby. He provided further information regarding the land and his father’s dying declaration.  “I know the four acres of ground which Donovan held, and my father got it about last Christmas; I was on the ground in last Spring digging potatoes, when the prisoner came up, and holding a little bit of earth in his hand, said, ‘I know that I will be burning in hell, where brimstone will be going through my nose and my belly, and I don’t care as much for my soul as for this bit of clay, and the first of you I catch on my ground I will settle him…’”

James Rigby went on to testify that on the day his father was murdered he saw his father going towards Hanrahan’s field and later “about one or two o’clock” Hanrahan came and told him that his father was at the top of Kilbride. “I ran off and found him lying partly in the ditch, and snorting, he was in very poor state; I asked him was he killed, and he replied ‘I am not killed, but as all as one’; I asked who killed him, and he said ‘Paddy Donovan.’” James Rigby then “threw off” his coat, and ran to the village of Glenmore for the priest, but by the time he returned his father was dead. As he was running for the priest, he met Richard Grace and Denis Lacy; on the path. “Grace asked me what happened.”

At this point the newspaper reported that accused Donovan interjected, “My Lord, if you won’t hang me he will go mad.”

During the cross-examination of James Rigby, he admitted that he had been in jail, “I was in the county gaol about “arguing” with some boys from Kilbrahan; I hit some of them; I cannot tell when it was I was in goal; one night in Ross they put me in gaol.” He denied that his father “turned him out of the house, but I used to go away for work and returned when wanted.”  Rigby was apparently questioned about making a statement to John Walsh on the evening of the murder that his father was not able to speak when he found him. James Rigby acknowledged seeing John Walsh, but stated, “my father spoke quite plain when I raised him up; … I never said to any person that my father was not able to speak when I came up to him.”

“Baron Pennefather—When you came up to your father did he seem very much hurt?

Witness—He did.

[Baron Pennefather]—What was the first word you said to him?

[Witness]—I asked him was he killed, and he said ‘I am not, but am all as one;’ I then asked him who killed him, and he said, ‘Paddy Donovan.’

[Baron Pennefather]—Did he speak distinctly?

[Witness]—Not very, but I could swear to those words.”

The next two witnesses were Mary Brophy, of Ballyveria and Edward Hanrahan. Mary Brophy testified that on the day of the murder she went to Stations in Glenmore. She was returning to Ballyveria about dinner time by the pathway when she saw the body of a man lying in the ditch. He was “snorting and lay stretched out; I left him and told Ned Hanrahan, who was ploughing, about the finding of the body.” Edward Hanrahan testified that on the day of the murder at about eight that morning he was plowing and the murder victim came into his field and they had a conversation. Hanrahan observed John Walsh and “another man”   come into the field. The victim left and went toward the path and the other two men were about eight perches from the path.  “I was afterwards told by Mrs. Brophy that a man was lying stretched, and I went off and found the deceased about three fields off, lying on the other side of the ditch farthest from the path.”

Ballyveria, Glenmore–It is believed that this is where Katie Leary (O’Leary) had her shop in the 20th century.

When cross-examined Edward Hanrahan admitted that he told the children of the victim that their father was killed. “When I came up the second time the eldest son had his father in his arms. To Baron Pennefather—When I first saw the body I cannot tell if the man was alive.” He stated that it was Dan [Rigby] (b. 1811) who he saw holding his father in his arms. Hanrahan stated that he knew Donovan, but did not identify him because he did not have “as good an opportunity of seeing the man with Walsh as he [Walsh] came in first.”

The sixth witness was the eye witness John Walsh. He testified that he had lived in Ballyveria for thirty years and he knew the victim Michael Rigby and the accused Patrick Donovan. On the day of the murder, he met Donovan in the village of Ballyveria and they were walking to Glenmore for Stations. “We went by a path towards Glenmore, and the path went by Hanrahan’s field; I saw Hanrahan in the field sowing potatoes; I saw the deceased speaking to Hanrahan, and he then went on the path towards the chapel; I went on a little in advance of the prisoner, and when in Collattin’s field I heard a cry, “Oh don’t Paddy,” and turned round, when I saw Rigby lying on the ground in a corner of the field; I saw the prisoner strike him down on the head with a stone, and then I ran off for fear of my life; the prisoner overtook me some time afterwards, and told me he had thrown Rigby over the ditch; he came with me to the chapel, where we remained a good while; Donovan told me not to swear against him; I left the chapel first, and the prisoner followed me; I came to my own house at Ballyvara, and the prisoner went by the road; the same evening I told my neighbours what occurred.”

On cross-examination Walsh admitted that his brother “had a crop off of one acre of the four acres from which Donovan had been ejected.” In other words, Walsh’s brother was one of the men who alienated or rented part of the property from Donovan. Walsh stated that he was afraid to call out to Hanrahan when he saw Donovan striking the victim. Walsh stated that he was arrested in his own garden, and “told in one day what I knew.” He asserted that he was only arrested because he was with Donovan when the murder took place.  

The next two witnesses were Denis Lacey and Richard Grace. Denis Lacey testified that Hanrahan’s house is situated between the Villages of Ballyveria and Glenmore and his own house was close to the pathway. He saw Walsh and Donovan together in the morning and after dinner returning from Glenmore. “James Rigby passed me during the day going for the priest, and he called out aloud to Richard Grace that his father was killed; in about five minutes after this the prisoner came up; I told him that Rigby was struck, and he made no reply.” Richard Grace corroborated that Walsh and Donovan were together in the morning and after dinner “saw the prisoner in Lacey’s house.”

The last two witnesses in the newspaper coverage were Mr. George White, Inspector of Police and Dr. Cummins. White testified that he went to the murder scene and found blood on the ground. He found a stone near the spot with blood and human hair on it. On the night after the murder he arrested Donovan between 11 and 12 o’clock, “at the distance of about two miles from his residence; he was in bed in a barn with two men, and a man who was dressed appeared acting as a sentry.”  Dr. Cummins testified that he examined the victim’s body and found twelve wounds and contusions on his head. Two stones were shown to the doctor and he identified that one corresponded with several of the bruises. In his opinion the victim’s death was “produced by these wounds and bruises.” On cross examination he stated that it was possible a man might, “although thus injured, speak some intelligible words.”

“Baron Pennefather charged the jury in a most lucid address, and remarked on the many dreadful crimes that disgraced the country, in connection with the taking of land. The jury, however, were not, because the crime was great, to impute guilt to any individual, unless the evidence established his crimination ‘beyond any rational doubt.’ The learned judge, then, with extreme care, recapitulated the evidence. The jury retired at half past eight o’clock, and at half past ten brought in a verdict of guilty. The foreman said some of the jury wished to recommend the prisoner to mercy. Baron Pennyfather—On what ground? The jury could not assign a reason, and his lordship said he saw no ground for extending mercy. The prisoner, who was rather unmoved, was then taken back to prison.” It is assumed that the entire trial was heard in one day and the jury deliberated from 8:30 to 10:30 that night.

In our next blog we will provide details of the sentencing and Patrick Donovan’s exchange with the judge, as well as personal details concerning Patrick Donovan and Michael Rigby.

Special thanks to Patty Brown and Ann Fitzgerald for sharing their Rigby family research and to all who helped us today in locating some of the 1841 murder related landmarks. Any and all corrections greatly appreciated. Please send any information, corrections, etc. to glenmore.history@gmail.com.

The featured photo above is the old Hogan house in Haggard, Glenmore identified by James “Jimmy Mac” McDonald as the place were Patrick Donovan was arrested on 15 May 1841. The old stone gate pillars are still standing as well as the house behind the trees.

Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh

The 1841 “Savage” Murder in Kilbride, Glenmore

On 11 June 1970 Danny Dowling interviewed James “Jimmy Mac” McDonald (c. 1909-1990) of Ballyfacey, Glenmore. James McDonald provided the following information concerning a murder. Donovan of Ballyveria, Glenmore killed Rigby over two fields which Rigby “had from him.”  The two fields involved were the ones opposite Katie Leary’s house and shop on the other side of the road. Donovan had a wife, two sons and a daughter. Before the murder was committed, the parish priest of Glenmore, and a missionary, went to Rigby, and implored him to return the fields to Donovan, but he wouldn’t. On the morning of the killing, Rigby was riding on an ass on his way to the Stations in Glenmore. Dick Young’s grandfather was working in a field and Donovan asked him to kill Rigby, but Young refused. A man named Cathoir was with Donovan when he killed Rigby. He killed him by battering in his head with a stone. Donovan didn’t intend to kill Rigby. All he wanted was to leave him enough life for the priest to attend. Cathoir then said to him that if Donovan didn’t finish him off the two of them would be hanged. Donovan then finished him off.

After the killing, Donovan and his wife fled and hid around the Englishman’s on the Mountain and from there went to Haggard where they were arrested the next day where Hogan’s are now. That night whilst hiding he had his head resting on his wife’s lap he had a vision of his dead mother he said to his wife “here is my mother coming for me.” Cathoir swore against him at the trial, and when it was over Cathoir was never seen again. He had a wife and two sons. The sons later went to America. Jimmy McDonald’s father Patsy was in Peoria, Illinois in his early days and he saw the Cathoir men there. At that time when a man gave evidence for the Crown he was usually shipped away to England or further afield for safety.

James McDonald did not indicate where the murder took place, but Mary Stapleton on 5 March 1980 when providing some Irish field names to Danny stated that “Knockaburdish” was the name of the field that once belonged to Felix Mullins. It was located at the top of the Kilbride hills and it was where “Donovan killed Rigby. The mark of Rigby’s head is still there. It is now owned by Jim Culleton.”

Dead Man’s Field, Kilbride, Glenmore

Yesterday, Paschal Roche, of Kilbride, a nephew of Jim Culleton (c. 1922-2012) showed us the field at the top of the Kilbride hills that is now called “Dead Man’s Field.” There in the upper eastern corner of the field is the spot where Rigby was murdered 180 years ago. The Culleton headstone in Glenmore cemetery reveals that Jim Culleton’s grandfather, James Culleton (c. 1845-1912) was born only a few years after the murder. The photo to the right shows the location in Dead Man’s Field where the murder took place. Today, it is not possible to pinpoint how the old path to Glemore proceeded from this point crossing the field or running along the ditches.

Ireland in 1841

From 1821 to 1841 the Census Commissioners concluded that Ireland’s population increased from 6.8 million to 8.2 million. There was an average of 700 people per square mile in Ireland making it the second most populated country in Europe. However, unlike England and Scotland the people living in rural Ireland had shorter life expectancy than the people living in Irish cities. This was discovered by Oscar Wilde’s father, surgeon William Wilde. Wilde examined the record of the deaths of family members who died after 1831 and calculated mortality rates employing records such as hospital returns and cemetery returns. It is thought that the poverty and poor living conditions in rural areas with a sizable proportion of the population living in “mud huts” contributed to the shorter life expectancy (Helene O’Keefe, (2021) “Ireland before the Great Famine” ). 

In 1841 Glenmore was not yet a parish. Although the present church in Glenmore Village was built in 1813 it was not until 1846 that Slieverue and Glenmore were divided and the parish of Glenmore was established. The townlands of Ballyfacey, and Ballyveria where both Rigby and Donovan lived in 1841, were on the edge of what would become Glenmore parish. The faithful would walk from these outlying areas in the most direct route to the Chapel in Glenmore by crossing fields and following what were known as mass paths. It was on a mass path in the townland of Kilbride that Rigby was murdered while walking to Stations being held in Glenmore on Friday morning on the 14th of May 1841. Today, Holy Week is generally associated with Stations, but in 1841 Easter Sunday fell on 11 April 1841.

Just eight years earlier the murder in Shanbogh, of Catholic landlord Joseph Leonard, generated vast newspaper coverage and resulted in the men held responsible for his murder being hanged at the place of the murder “near the hill of Glenmore.” It was reported that these hangings were witnessed by thousands from the area. It is likely that the crowd that attended the hangings may have included both Rigby and his killer Donovan.

Contemporary Newspaper Controversy

The Kilkenny Moderator, on Wednesday the 19th of May 1841 (p. 3) published the following account of the murder.

SAVAGE MURDER. We deeply regret to state that another and a most horribly revolting murder was perpetrated in this County on the morning of Friday last, at Kilbride, within a few miles of Rosbercon. It appears that on the morning stated, as Michael Ribby (sic), of Ballyvarra (sic), was on his way to attend a Station,” which was held in the Chapel of Glenmore, about a mile from his own house, he was overtaken by two men named Patrick Donovan and John Walshe, both residing on the lands of Ballyvarra, who walked beside him for a few yards until they came to a “style.” At this spot Donovan took up a stone with which he knocked down his unsuspecting victim, poor Ribby, and continued to strike him about the head in the most savage manner until life was nearly extinct, inflicting no less than thirteen wounds, beside one on the back of his left hand with which he ineffectually attempted to save his head while vainly crying out for mercy to his relentless assailant.

After the perpetration of this horrid deed we have been assured that Donovan and Walshe both went to the ” Station,” where we suppose they got absolution! The unfortunate Ribby was discovered by his sons a few moments before he expired, and when spoken to by them he merely uttered the words—”I’m not quite killed—it was Donovan did it,” soon after which he breathed his last. He was about 50 years of age and has left a large family to mourn over his untimely fate. The only cause assigned for this foul murder is, that Ribby had been, a few months since, put in possession of about four acres of land from which Donovan had been previously ejected by the Agent, Captain Bunbury, for non-payment of rent. This gentleman, on being informed of the transaction, instantly started for Kilbride, in order to render any assistance in his power for the apprehension of the guilty parties.

Old ditch on the Culleton farm on the hill of Kilbride. Glenmore is in the distance.

Donovan, we understand, is a fellow of notoriously bad character, and has been more than once an inmate of a gaol. An Inquest was subsequently held on the body of the deceased by Thomas Izod , Esq., one of our County Coroners, when a verdict of ” Wilful Murder” was returned by the Jury against Patrick Donovan and John Walsh. We are happy to add that, owing to the active and unceasing exertions of George White, Esq., C.C., and the Constabulary under his command, Donovan (who had absconded,) and Walshe, were both arrested and brought into Ross, while the Inquest was sitting. They have been since transmitted to our County Gaol charged with the offence.”

The Kilkenny Journal, and Leinster Commercial & Literary Advertiser, of Saturday the 22nd of May 1841 (p. 3) provided further details of the inquest and arrests.

Murder—Coroner’s Inquest—On Saturday, Thomas Izod, Esq., one of the coroners for the county Kilkenny, was called on to proceed to Ballyvera, near Listerlin, in the barony of Ida, to hold an inquest on the body of a farmer named Micheal Rigby, who was murdered at between eight and nine o’clock on the morning of Friday, on his way to the chapel in Glenmore. The finding of the inquest was “wilful murder against Patrick Donovan of Ballyvera, aided and assisted by John Walsh of the same place.” Donovan absconded shortly after committing the murder, and was, during the sitting of the Court, apprehended at Haggart, near Glenmore, by that efficient officer, Sub-inspector White, and the police, whose vigilance and activity were unremitting to bring him to justice. Walsh did not abscond; the deceased had ten or twelve severe cuts on the head, and the scull severely fractured; the ill will towards him was in consequence of his having taken ground which Donovan was dispossessed of; Walsh’s brother was an under-tenant of Donovan’s to part of the land, which in extent, was not more than 4 acres.”

On page 2, of the same edition of the Kilkenny Journal, the editor asserted that there was an “infamous calumny” in the article published by the Kilkenny Moderator on the 19th concerning the murder. Although the meaning of calumny is to make a false, malicious, defamatory statement about a person in order to damage that person’s reputation, the editor was not referring to what was said about the accused Patrick O’Donovan being a fellow of notorious bad character. The editor asserted, ‘If the Catholics of Ireland did not possess a degree of patience allied to servility, they would not permit the insolent conduct of those infamous calumniators who hourly assail their claims to political right, and make the most laborious pains to misrepresent their [Catholics] religious principles.’ The editor was challenging the remark concerning the accused men after the murder attended Stations where it was “supposed” that they obtained absolution for the murder. The editor argued that the purpose of the two accused men to attend the Stations was to avert suspicion. “…[W]e think, very likely, for how could they better avert suspicion than by appearing to comply with their religious duties? –but the other dark insinuation, (concerning receiving absolution) ‘the lying scribe knew in his heart, could not be credited even by the most blinded of his bigoted readers.’” Thus the “savage” murder was not only widely reported in newspapers across Britain and Ireland, but it (or more correctly its reporting in the Kilkenny Moderator) generated controversy and became politicalised because of the remark concerning absolution.

Next Blog: The Murder Trial of Patrick Donovan

In August of 1841 Patrick Donovan stood trial in Kilkenny for the murder of Michael Rigby. Details of the testimony of nine prosecution witnesses provide a fuller account of the murder and provides some personal information about Rigby and Donovan. We shall cover the murder trial in our next blog post.

The featured photo above is one of the panoramic views from the lower ditch of Dead Man’s Field, Kilbride, Glenmore.

Special thanks to Patty Brown for kickstarting this research by providing a newspaper excerpt that provided the date of the murder and the names of Michael Rigby’s wife and children.  Also special thanks to Pasqual Roche for taking us yesterday to Dead Man’s Field with its wonderful views of Glenmore.

If there are any corrections, omissions, or readers have further or different information please email glenmore.history@gmail.com.

Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh

The Prologue: Henry “Bounce” Walsh, of Catsrock, Glenmore

As previously published Henry “Bounce” Walsh was hanged on 1 September 1847 for the murder of John Walsh  near Bishop’s Hall, in what was sometimes referred to as the Black Corner murder. Notwithstanding the circumstantial evidence presented in the court, Henry “Bounce” Walsh asserted to the very end that he was not guilty of the murder. Thanks to Beth Tykodi who shared the article on the “Bouncer” Walshes, which was published on 20 January 1846, as it led to locating other pre-murder newspaper articles with information concerning Henry “Bounce” Walsh as well as the name of his father and a brother. These newspaper accounts are often contradictory and confusing. Unfortunately this was common in newspaper accounts from the mid-nineteenth century. For the previous blog posts concerning the murder trial see; https://glenmore-history.com/the-murder-trial-of-henry-bounce-walsh-of-knockbrach-glenmore/ and for the execution see: https://glenmore-history.com/the-public-execution-of-henry-bounce-walsh-in-1847/ .

Convicted of Assault

In July 1845, Henry “Bounce” Walsh was arrested and charged with assaulting Mr. Gregory Lymbery. The following article appeared in the Waterford Chronicle and reveals that Bounce and another defendant both committed assaults and received similar sentences with one distinction. The other defendant assaulted a constable and was sentenced to hard labour.

COUNTY COURT-Tuesday…Chief Justice Doherty” heard the following: “Daniel Maher, stood charged with an assault of a policeman at Abbeyside, while in the discharge of his duty. The prisoner pleaded guilty, and said, that but for being drunk on the night in question, he would not have interfered. Six months imprisonment, with bard labour.  Henry Walsh was next put forward for an assault on Mr. Gregory Lymbery. He also pleaded as an excuse, that he was drunk on the night he committed the assault, and could not recollect, whether he committed the assault or not, but supposed he did.  Six months imprisonment.” (Waterford Chronicle, Wed. 16 July 1845, p. 3)

Release from Jail & Victim of an Assault

On the day Henry “Bounce” Walsh was released from jail, the 15th of January 1846, having served his time for the assault on Mr. Lymbery, his brother John and his father Walter brought him some clothes. (Waterford Mail, 3 March 1846, p. 2) Thereafter, Bounce, John and Walter Walsh went drinking.  On their way home “Bounce,” his father and brother were the victims of serious assaults. The article from Saunder’s New Letter (Dublin) (20 January 1846, p. 3) provides:

Waterford City Prison

DESPERATE ASSAULT—An assault, which, we regret to say, is in one instance likely to prove fatal, was committed Thursday night, about ten o’clock, on the persons of Walter Walsh, John Walsh, and Henry Walsh, the father and two sons, better known by the nickname of “The Bouncers,” and famous for their pugnacious propensities. They are residents of a place called Catsrock, about six miles from this city, in the County of Kilkenny. The occurrence took place at the county Kilkenny side of the bridge, near Alderman Forristal’s residence, and the parties by whom the injuries were inflicted are named Thomas Grant, John Halligan, James Power and James Brien. The weapon used was a bar of iron about three and a half feet long by two inches broad. Those parties are also natives of the county Kilkenny, and it appears the affray arose from a dispute of long standing. The Walshes are desperately wounded. Henry’s life is almost despaired of, and it is strange fact that he was only after being discharged from gaol on the same day, where he was confined for a wanton assault on Gregory Lymbery, Esq. Intimation of the circumstances having been given to Sergeant M’Coy, who was on duty on the Quay, he immediately proceeded to the opposite side of the bridge, and aided by his party, removed the wounded man to the police barrack, and then pursued the other parties, whom he succeeded in arresting. Grant was identified as the person who had used the bar of iron. The Walshes were removed to the Leper Hospital, and the others were on yesterday brought before the magistrates at petty sessions, and committed until the result of the injuries will be known.—Waterford Mail

The Waterford Chronicle provided a slightly different account and falsely reported that Walter Walsh died of his injuries. This account provides that Grant, Bryan, Halligan or Hannigan and Power resided in Curraghmore, Slieverue.

MURDER. On Thursday night about 10 o’clock four men named Thomas Grant, John Halligan, James Bryan, James Power, were proceeding from Waterford to Curraghmore, in the County Kilkenny, their residence, they had not proceeded far beyond the bridge when they overtook three men named John Walsh, Henry Walsh, and Walter Walsh. On coming up with the Walshes the attack commenced, and is stated that one the persons now in custody named Thomas Grant committed fearful havoc on the Walshes, whom he strewed about the road, with a heavy piece of new iron he had in his car. As soon as the alarm was given, Constable M’Coy and some of his men pursued the assailants, whom they succeeded in capturing, and conveyed them hack to the police barracks at Ferrybank, and also the sufferers whom they found bleeding on the road. After arriving at the barracks the sufferers identified prisoners as the persons who assaulted them. On seeing one the prisoners (Thomas Grant), Walter in identifying him said, “oh, it was you who slaughtered all with the bar of iron.” On yesterday, the prisoners were brought before the magistrates, they were identified by constable M’Coy, whose evidence corresponds with what we have stated. The prisoners were remanded. One of the Walsh’s an old man, died yesterday evening in the Leper Hospital, where his fellow sufferers are lying in a hopeless state. (Waterford Chronicle, Sat. 17, 1846, p. 3)

The trial of Thomas Grant and James Brien was held on Friday the 27th of February 1846 in the City Court of Waterford. Although the previous accounts implied that there were three Walsh victims and four defendants only two men stood trial for a “felonious assault, with intent to do some bodily injury, on the person of Walter Walsh.”  The following account is from the Waterford Mail (3 March 1846, p. 2).

Spring Assizes (City Court—Friday, before Honourable Justice Ball). Thomas Grant and James Brien were indicted for a felonious assault, with intent to do some bodily injury, on the person of Walter Walsh.

 Walter Walsh examined—Is a farmer; lives at Cat’s Rock; has six sons; was in Waterford on the 15th January last; went to bring his son some clothes, as he was coming that day out of jail for having committed an assault on Mr. Lymbery; left Waterford about 8 o’clock that evening in company with two sons, Henry and John; when he came to the bridge; at the end where Mr. Forristal lives, witness was beaten on the head with a bar of iron by four men whom he met there; believes he got but one blow; when witness got the blow; Henry was struck and knocked down; he saw his sons that night in the police barrack, and they were sent to the hospital.

Henry Walsh examined—Is son to Watt Walsh; was coming from Waterford with his father and brother, and went over the bridge; when opposite Forristal’s house, witness was struck on the head with a bar of iron by Thomas Grant; Brien was with Grant, and was the first person who caught witness by the coat—[witness here identified the prisoners]—after witness was struck down with the bar of iron he became insensible, and did not speak until the morning after.

John Walsh deposed that he was with his father and brother going over the bridge on the evening in question; when at the other side of the bridge he saw three men together, the two prisoner and John Hannigan; witness caught hold of the bar of iron to defend himself when Tom Grant was about striking him with it; immediately he let go the iron bar, and was struck on the head with it and knocked down; his father and brother were down before himself; he was waiting for his father and brother at the old hotel of Mr. Forristal, when, thinking his father and brother were delaying too long, witness turned back and saw five men together his father, brother, the two traversers, and Hannigan; his father and brother were struck down, and witness was knocked down afterwards.

James Power examined—Saw Hannigan and Henry Walsh coming over the bridge staggering; they handled each other when they came over the bridge opposite Forristal’s door; Tom Grant and Jimmy Brien stood by; saw a bar of iron in Tom Grant’s hand; saw Hannigan strike John Walsh with the iron bar; he was the last man knocked down; all the parties had been drinking; heard nothing of a quarrel between them.

Laurence Sullivan examined—Remembers the night when the Walshs were beaten; accompanied the traversers over the bridge; was shaking hands with Henry Walsh and bidding him goodbye, when Hannigan struck Henry Walsh two blows with his fist; saw a bar of iron in the hands of Grant, but did not see him use it; witness was trying to make peace; was going away when Kennedy pulled him back; witness turned round and saw a man fall; saw Grant and Brien before—they were all tipsey that night—able to walk and no more.

Constable M’Coy proved the arrest of the prisoners and two others at the Mile post, in the County Kilkenny; they had a car, in which were two bars of iron [one was produced with which the injuries seemed to be inflicted]—Grant said the iron was his; when brought to the police station the prisoners were identified by the Walshes, and John Walsh stated that Grant was the man who slaughtered them all with the bar of iron.

Dr. J. Mackesy deposed to the nature and extent of the injuries inflicted, which were of so serious a nature that their lives were endangered. Mr. Rollestone addressed the jury for the prisoners. Henry Bolton, Esq., gave the prisoner Brien a character for quiet, orderly conduct. Nicholas Henneberry, a farmer, gave a good character of Grant. The Judge charged the jury at much length, who retired, and after a considerable delay, acquitted the prisoners of all the counts.”

It is not clear what defence the defendants employed, but given the acquittal it is likely that self-defence may have been plead. It is not clear, what role, if any, the life threatening head injury Henry “Bounce” Walsh suffered in 1846 played in his alleged killing of John Walsh in 1847.

Siblings of Henry “Bounce” Walsh

A quick review of the early parish records and we were able to locate six children of Walter Walsh and Mary Baldwin, of Catsrock, Glenmore. Unfortunately, we could not locate a baptism for Henry although we believe he may have been born between 1823 to 1830.

[1] John Walsh, was baptized on 11 July 1823 at Glenmore the son of Walter Walsh and Mary Beldon (sic). [2] Patrick Walsh, was baptized on 29 March 1830 at Glenmore. [3] Michael Walsh, was baptized on 17 May 1832 at Glenmore. [4] Mary Walsh, was baptized on 17 April 1834 at Glenmore. [5] Mary Walsh, was baptized on 16 July 1836 at Glenmore. [6] Anastatia Walsh, was baptized on 12 Aug. 1839 at Glenmore.

Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh

The Public Execution of Henry “Bounce” Walsh in 1847

In our last blog we outlined the local story passed down in Glenmore concerning Henry “Bounce” Walsh, of Knockbrack, Glenmore, as well as the contemporary newspapers accounts of his 1847 murder trial. Today, we will outline the circumstances concerning his execution.

Henry “Bounce” Walsh was convicted of murdering John Walsh in July 1847. The Kilkenny Journal, and Leinster Commercial and Literary Advertiser, of Saturday the 31st of July 1847 on its front page, covered the murder trial. The judge charged the jury, who retired and returned in less than half hour with verdict of guilty. The prisoner heard the verdict with apparent indifference, and was removed from the bar to await his sentence at the end of the assizes. Throughout the trial it was reported that the accused seemed quite indifferent to the proceedings.

On Friday the 30th of July 1847, Henry “Bounce” Walsh appeared for his sentencing with two others, James Daniel and James Larkin, who were convicted during the assizes of the murder of Arthur William Prim. The trial judge addressed all three convicted men together and told them, “I cannot hold out to any of you prisoners, the slightest hope of a change in the sentences that the law obliges me to pronounce. I have no discretion whatsoever…I would conjure then to employ the short time that remains between the present moment and that in which they are to leave this world, in making their peace with God—repent for the crime that they have committed—and in the hope of that mercy which, through the merits of our Saviour, the Almighty, will show the repentant—in endeavouring to obtain the peace in the next world which they have forfeited in this one…” The convicted man Larkin requested of the judge, “The longest day you can give my lord.” The judge replied that he would provide sufficient time for the convicted murders to seek God’s forgiveness.

Upon hearing his sentence of death, Henry “Bounce” Walsh asked the judge if his father could have his body. The judge replied that was not possible as the law required that he be buried in the gaol yard.  Henry “Bounce” Walsh then stated that Jones and another man in the courtroom that he pointed at were responsible for his death. It is not clear who Henry “Bounce” Walsh indicated were responsible for his death sentence. In the newspaper accounts there is no mention of a juror, witness or prosecutor named Jones.  

The date of execution for Larkin and Daniel was set for the 25th of August and Henry “Bounce” Walsh was to be executed on the 1st of September. The Kerry Evening Post on Wednesday the 8th of September 1847 reported that Henry “Bounce” Walsh and the other two condemned men, Larkin and Daniel, had on “Monday week” attempted a daring escape from the jail. Given the fact that Larkin and Daniel were hanged on Wednesday the 25th of August the unsuccessful jail break involving the three convicted men, if it occurred, must have occurred at that time or prior to the 25th of August. It was also reported that after the unsuccessful jail break Henry “Bounce” Walsh was exemplary and penitent. “His attention to his religious duties has been intense and unwavering.” It was reported that he regretted involvement in the failed jail break and stated that Larkin had enticed his involvement. When he heard that the other two convicted men had been executed he is alleged to have stated that his mind was at ease and he could devote himself to “making peace with an offended Deity.”

In addition to the alleged jail break another unusual aspect of the newspaper account provides that as he was being prepared for his execution the condemned man joined in the prayers with “great fervency” his “knowledge of English was very imperfect.” An article in the Waterford Mail on the 8th of September stated that when he entered gaol he did not know the Lord’s Prayer, but by the time of his execution he recited it with fervor. It is not clear how much English Henry “Bounce” Walsh understood. For a fascinating account of the impact of the failure to provide interpretation and translation services to Irish speakers see, Margaret Kelleher, The Maamtrasna Murders: Language, Life & Death in Nineteenth Century Ireland (2018).

Henry “Bounce” Walsh was publicly executed on the 1st of September 1847 in front of the Kilkenny gaol in what was described as a mis-managed hanging. His hanging was covered in a number of newspapers across Ireland and England. The below account is taken from the front page of The Waterford Mail, published on Wednesday, the 8th of September 1847.

Execution of HENRY WALSH, (alias BOUNCE), for the MURDER at BISHOP’S HALL

On Wednesday another of those disgusting and barbarous exhibitions, a public execution, took place in front of our [Kilkenny] county prison. Walsh the unfortunate convict let under sentence of death at our last assizes for the murder of a man, also named Walsh, at Bishop’s Hall, expiated that fearful crime by the hands of the executioner. . .

About half-past one o’clock on Wednesday, the unfortunate criminal made his appearance in the corridor, preceded by the High and Under Sheriffs, and the governor of the prison—gentlemen who, we understand exhibited the greatest humanity and kindness to the unfortunate culprit, and throughout were most anxious that all the wretched men who suffered the extreme punishment of the law, should have every comfort and attention consistent with the duty and discipline of the prison, and the miserable condition of the criminals.

His step was firm and unshaken, and his countenance, serene, the colour remaining in his cheeks, and his eyes bright and steady. He joined with his two attending clergymen, the Rev. Messrs. Maher and Hennessy, in prayer, with great fervency, though his knowledge of English was very imperfect. On reaching the press room he prayed with them for a length of time, repeating the responses to the several litanies and penitential psalms with apparent devotion, particularly such portions as from the greater simplicity of the language he appeared to understand. The by-standers, who had heard that on his first entering the prison he did not know the Lord’s prayer, were much surprised at the decency, fervour, and firmness which he displayed all through. When told by the hangman to get up, he did so with readiness, displaying no weakness whatsoever; and he gave that functionary every facility in his power whilst pinioning his arms. He then walked forward boldly on the drop, having the usual white cap over his face, and being placed in the proper position, after standing a moment or two, the unhappy culprit turned his head half round to the pressroom, and exclaimed—“Will I be let spake (sic) a few words? There was no answer, as his meaning was not at once caught. He then repeated firmly—“Will I be let spake a few words, gentlemen?” It was at once intimated to him that he might do so; when he said in a satisfied voice, “that’s right.”

After obtaining permission to speak, the prisoner remained for some time beating his breast, and exclaiming in a low tone, “Lord have mercy upon me. He then in a loud and distinct voice, and leaning forward over the drop, exclaimed in Irish, “Wilshiev-in-shin?” (Are you there?) There being no answer he said in English—“Boys, are ye all there?” More than one voice from outside exclaimed, “we are, we are.” The unhappy man then continued as follows:–“Now, I’m goin’ to die, an’ I’m innocent. An’ I hope I haven’t a lie in my mouth goin’ before my God, bringing my poor soul before him. I wasn’t there, or hadn’t hand, act or part in it. I came up after—if I had been five minutes sooner I’d have saved his life and my own. I forgive all that swore against me,” (here he mentioned various persons by soubriquets, “living,” he said, “in Sliev-rhu,” and “father and brothers,” he continued, “don’t have any revenge in your hearts against them—I forgive them all. An’ boys, let ye all keep from bad company and drinkin’—and iv I was said by me true love I wouldn’t be here today. Let ye all pray for my poor soul (murmurs outside.) “An’ God be wid ye all now, neighbours.” According to other newspaper accounts the crowd cried out, “Lord, have mercy on your soul.”

Here the fatal bolt was drawn, but from the mismanagement the poor culprit, instead of being thrown off, fell on his back upon the board, so that the hangman was obliged to push him out from behind; and from the short and gradual fall the wretched man struggled very hard for some moments, appearing to suffer most poignant agony. During his struggles his father and two brothers who were on the green, beneath the drop, vented their grief in loud cries and exclamations.  We were sorry to perceive that a large crowd had assembled to witness this brutalising exhibition, and that women formed a considerable proportion of the multitude, and some of those of a class which though humble, we had hoped did not contain the depraved or indelicate.

We are not advocates for the total abolition of capital punishments—in murder cases alone we think it necessary, but we agree with those who contend for private executions. Should such a barbarous “treat” we again offered to our citisens (sic) a more efficient apparatus of death should be provided than the strangling process which disgraced the execution on Wednesday. Kilkenny Moderator

It is not clear how much of the above account is accurate. For example, a condemned man’s arms were generally pinioned behind his back, yet in the account it is alleged that he beat his chest after his arms were tied. Almost every newspaper that covered the execution in detail condemned public executions. However, it was not until the Capital Punishment (Amendment) Act 1868 that executions were restricted to take place within the confines of prison walls. Shortly before this execution a short article appeared in the Kilkenny Journal and Leinster Commercial Advertiser (18 August 1847) concerning the number of capital convictions and death sentences imposed as reported in the House of Commons. For ease a chart of the information is provided below.

Years CoveredPersons Convicted of Capital CrimesPersons Executed
5 yrs prior to 1826  5,286307
Next 5 years7,077304
Next 5 years3,877175
Next 5 years70744
5 years ending in 1846 30456

It is difficult to believe today that under the common law in the 19th century capital offences included a number of crimes in addition to murder such as rape and even some thefts. For an online list of Irish executions from 1831 to 1899 please see, Richard Clark. From this list persons executed in Tipperary after 1847 were reviewed but there is no apparent link to the Glenmore oral tradition that the real killer was discovered and executed in Tipperary.

Over the past week we received several queries concerning the victim, the executed Henry “Bounce” Walsh and possible links to local Walsh families.

The Victim—John Walsh

Danny Dowling yesterday was not able to shed any light on the murder victim John Walsh. Because the witnesses stated that he turned off the road near the Black Corner it is assumed that he was a resident of Kilmacow parish. There is nothing contained in any newspaper account regarding the age of the victim, whether he was married, had children, or was supporting a widow mother etc. John Walsh was a common name and without a townland or other information we have no way of determining which John Walsh was the murder victim.

The Link—Ned “the Mason” Walsh & Henry “Bounce” Walsh?

Danny stated that he believed that Henry “Bounce” Walsh lived in Knockbrack based upon what he was told over the years by Glenmore residents. Danny believes that this Walsh family, or part of this family, eventually moved to Haggard as this is where Ned “the Mason” Walsh and his brother Michael were born and raised.

The 1901 Census provides that Ned was 21(c. 1880) and Michael was 25 (c. 1876). Thus the men claiming kinship to Henry “Bounce” Walsh were born about 30 years after his execution. The parents of these two brothers were Michael Walsh (bapt. 9 Apr. 1841 at Haggard) and Margaret Walsh née Moore (c. 1849). Michael Walsh and Margaret Moore were married at Glenmore on 1 August 1870. Michael’s father is listed as Michael Walsh, deceased. Michael Walsh (1841) was the son of Michael Walsh and Mary Walsh née Aylward. Michael Walsh and Mary Walsh née Aylward were married at Glenmore on 12 October 1832 and the record indicates that they were both from Hagard (sic). Unfortunately the parents of the bride and groom are not recorded. The only Walsh listed in the 1833 Griffith’s Valuation in “Higgart” (sic) was Michael Walsh who had 21 acres. Thus, it appears that “the Mason” Walshes were in Haggard at least fifteen years before the hanging. We have not ruled out a family relationship, but we have yet to uncover the relationship link. It could be that Michael Walsh married into Haggard and was a brother, uncle or cousin etc. to Henry “Bounce” Walsh.

Other Possible Family Links?

Griffith’s Valuation was conducted in Knockbrach in 1829, and there were no Walshes recorded there. There is no Walsh listed in Coolnaleen, but there is a Michael Walsh in Ardbeg who had 42 acres. Also, in nearby Cat’s Rock, Walter and John Walsh had a joint holding of 120 acres. Danny explained that Ardbeg was the old name for Coolnaleen and just as the Catholic parishes changed in Ossory in 1842 the names of various areas have changed. Unfortunately, there is no obvious baptismal record for a Henry “Bounce” Walsh. No clues are provided in the newspapers as to his age. With respect to his family the newspapers reported that his father and two brothers attended his execution, but no further information was provided.

Lastly, an inquest into the death of a Henry Walsh, aged about 31, was held in Parkstown, Glenmore in December 1864. (Kilkenny Journal and Leinster Commercial Advertiser, 17 December 1864). The jury ruled that this Henry Walsh died of natural causes. It appears that he was born about 1833 and thus was about 14 when Henry “Bounce” Walsh was executed. Could this man who died in 1864 be a cousin or nephew? There are two potential baptismal records for the Henry Walsh that died in 1864. [1] Henry Walsh, baptized 11 March 1831 in Glenmore, the son of John Walsh and Antice Gill. [2] Henry Walsh, baptized 4 June 1835, at Rochestown, Mooncoin, son of Philip Walsh and Mary Smith.

Hopefully a reader will be able to provide further or different information concerning Henry “Bounce” Walsh.

Blog update—Long obituaries are being moved onto their own page which is located under the “Roots” button on the home page. Short obituaries and death notices will remain on the relevant family pages.

Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh

The Murder Trial of Henry “Bounce” Walsh, of Knockbrach, Glenmore

Local Account

In November 1955, Pat Coady, of Ballycroney, Glenmore told Danny Dowling of a murder case that had taken place over a hundred years previously and was still remembered in Glenmore. Pat Coady informed Danny that Bounce Walsh, of Knockbrack, Glenmore was hanged in the wrong for the Black Corner murder. Further details were provided in November 1977 by Nicholas Forristal, of the Mill, Gaiguenakill. He stated that Bounce Walsh’s real name was Henry Walsh. Henry Walsh was executed for the murder of a local man at what is now known as the Black Corner which is opposite the entrance to Bishop’s Hall. Henry Walsh was in Waterford and when coming home with either his horse or ass and cart, stopped and gave a lift to a farm laborer who was employed somewhere around Bigwood. During the journey this man asked Bounce for a loan of his penknife to cut a pipe full of tobacco. Bounce gave it to him and forgot about it. He left the farm labourer at his destination, and he went off home. As it afterwards transpired, the man lay in waiting for the murdered man with whom he had a row earlier and killed him. The murderer then left Bounce’s knife which had its owner’s initials stamped on it, beside the body. The murderer then shouted “don’t kill me Bounce,” and a local farmer working in a nearby field heard the shout.

The farmer who heard the shout was a Doherty from Rathnasmolagh. Doherty afterwards testified what he heard, and with Bounce’s knife found alongside the body, Bounce was arrested, charged with murder, tried, convicted and executed. It was discovered afterwards that the farm labourer had already murdered a man in Co. Tipperary, and was a fugitive from justice in that county. The farm labourer was eventually arrested, tried for murder and executed. Before he died he confessed to the murder for which Bounce Walsh was executed. Bounce Walsh was related to Ned and Mick Walsh, the masons of Haggard, who provided details of the story to Nicholas Forristal. It was said that the locals afterwards never liked the Doherty man.

Contemporary Newspaper Accounts

A newspaper search revealed that during the Kilkenny Assizes in July 1847, Henry “Bounce” Walsh was convicted of murdering John Walsh. The Kilkenny Journal, and Leinster Commercial and Literary Advertiser, of Saturday the 31st of July 1847 on its front page covered the murder trial. In 1847 the country was in the midst of the Great Famine and it was noted that several jurors had sent to the court doctor statements explaining that they could not attend due to illness and fever. Eventually twelve men were selected and the trial commenced.

The first witness called for the State was Peter Doherty who testified that he, his mother, the deceased and others were in Halligan’s pub Easter Monday evening after the Waterford fair. The defendant was there and was talking to Michael Boyle. A group comprising the witness, his mother, the victim (John Walsh) and Michael Boyle left the pub walking home. Although he insisted that none of the group was drunk the victim fell in the road and his mother picked up the victim’s hat. She asked Michael Boyle to help her get the victim up onto his feet and he declined to help. Bounce Walsh who had not been with the party, was three or four yards away. The victim left the group to go up the path to his house. About “40 perches” up the road Peter Doherty testified that he heard a “bawl” and “Don’t kill me Bounce.” He testified that he wanted to turn back, but Michael Boyle dissuaded him. The group went to a house where a wake was being held and Doherty noticed that Boyle had deceased’s stick at the wake house. He did not leave the wake until after 3 a.m.

The defendant’s barrister cross-examined Doherty who admitted that he was in goal for twelve months for attempted rape. The attempted rape case was before Mr. O’Gorman, and Doherty took the pledge to stop drinking. Doherty explained that he broke his pledge when a doctor gave him leave to drink to cure a tooth ache. He admitted he drank the previous night, but could not say whether it was for his tooth or for himself he drank. He bizarrely went on to explain that the tooth was pulled, and because he is married he will hand the tooth to his eldest son as an heirloom, if he can find it. In a response to a question from a juror, Doherty stated that Bounce Walsh and Michael Boyle went out of Halligan’s in advance of witness and his mother. He admitted that he did not tell anyone at the wake regarding what he heard and did not tell the magistrate when he was questioned immediately after the murder that he heard “don’t kill me Bounce.”

Kilkenny Courthouse

The next witness was Michael Boyle who testified that he knew the defendant, the victim and Peter Doherty. On Easter Monday last, in Halligan’s he heard the victim, in the hearing of the defendant, bargaining about a cow. He testified after passing Foley’s a little stone got under the victim’s foot and he took a tumble. The defendant was within two or three yards of Ellen Doherty when she was picking up the victim’s hat. Ellen Doherty asked Boyle to help the victim up, but Boyle said he refused telling Ellen that he would not like to have anything to do with the victim on account of having heard him talking about money. He didn’t want to be blamed if something happened to the money. Boyle and Peter Doherty continued. Boyle testified that Foley’s was the last place where he saw the defendant. At Baron’s Lodge Doherty’s mother bid good night and safe home to the victim, Johnny Walsh. Shortly after leaving the victim they heard “two bawls.” Boyle did not hear anything but the bawls. He described the defendant as having on that night an old pair of pataloons, and old blue bodycoat.  When questioned by the Court, Boyd stated that it was not a very dark night.

Ellen Doherty was the third witness to testify. She testified that on last Easter Monday night she was in company of the victim, Johnny Walsh, until they came to Baron’s lodge. She did not hear any noise after parting with the victim. She testified that she did not hear Boyle say anything in reply when she asked him help the victim up, but admitted that he did not help the man.

Patrick Hackett next testified. He stated that he knows the place where the victim’s body was found. On the night of the murder, Henry “Bounce” Walsh came and bought bread and tea from him. He could not state at what hour the defendant arrived because he had been in bed before the defendant arrived. To get from Foley’s to his place a person would have to pass where the victim’s body was found.

Betsy Murphy, of Coolnaleen, Glenmore testified that on the night of the murder Henry “Bounce” Walsh came to drink tea with her. She did not know the time when he arrived. He brought tea and bread with him that he said he purchased at Hackett’s. He remained with her for an hour and a half. He had a candle and they had tea. He had about 8 or 9 shillings silver and some pence. He told her that he had sold some pigs and was going to sell more pigs. She testified that his manner was as usual. To the Court’s question she stated that she lives about two miles from the scene of the murder and she believed that the defendant lived about a quarter of a mile from her.

Michael O’Neill testified that he was the manager to Mr. Milford, of Waterford. On the 5th of April he gave the victim, John Walsh £4. O’Neill heard of his death the next morning.

Micheal Keating was the last witness called by the State. He testified that he lives in Ballinamooney within about two miles of  Waterford. He had only been living there since the third of April just two days before the murder. Prior to this he lived  at Ballykeoghan, (Kilmacow) about six miles from Waterford. He testified that he had been working on the public works, and that made him move. He stated that on Easter Monday night he went out, but did not know at what time. It was a bright night when he went out leaving his wife, three sons and a daughter at home. He testified that he was going to the house at Ballykeoghan “to throw down the house that he had lived in” as required by his landlord. He stated that he went at night in  order to be back at his work next morning. At Mr. Baron’s gate he heard a bawl and went into the field to get closer. He described the noise as being similar to the bawl of a calf or yearling that was being killed. Thirty of forty yards away he saw a man striking another man. He got closer and leaned across the ditch and saw the defendant striking the other man with a lump. After the defendant left he came out and the “body was dead.” He went home terrified. To answer questions posed by jurors he stated that he could not distinguish anything the two men said because dogs were barking. He said that the defendant had a blue coat and corduroy trousers on that night and the moon did not appear. During cross-examination Keating admitted that he did not divulge what he had seen until the 18th of May. He and other men were dismissed from the public works on the 14th of May because James Aylward charged him with breaking an old gate for fire. When he went to confession his confessor told him he would be culpable in the sight of God if he did not tell what he saw.

Perhaps the most damning evidence was a statement alleged to have been made by the defendant after the murder. William Cooke, Resident Magistrate, noted that the defendant was present during his examination of several witnesses. When the Magistate took Bounce’s statement he informed him that it was going to be in writing. Because the statement could be used against as evidence, he cautioned Bounce that he should not “criminate” himself. The statement the defendant provided stated that when he left Foley’s he came upon two men and a woman who had a man on the ground. He named them as Dick Walsh, James Walsh and Dick Walsh’s wife. They swore him to secrecy.  He stated he went on to Hackett’s and then onto Betsy Murphy who he was courting. All of the persons named in his statement denied any involvement and had alibis for the night of the murder.

Bounce Walsh was arrested in Waterford on the 7th of April. He had purchased new clothes and the police collected his old clothes from the shop. At the time of his arrest he was drunk and had £1.2.6 and some coppers in his possession. The Dublin Evening Mail, on Monday the 2nd of August 1847 noted that after a great many witnesses were examined to corroborate the facts on which the prosecution rested, Mr. Howard opened the case for the defendant in an able and energetic speech. He called the previous landlord of Michael Keating, who denied knowledge of any agreement to level the house at Ballykeoghan.

Old postcard of Waterford Fair, Ballybricken

Obviously the account that was orally passed down in Glenmore regarding a knife is incorrect. Next week we shall present the rest of the story as found in contemporary newspapers.

Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh

The Attack at the Pink Rock: Glenmore Repeal Supporters and the Shamrock Steamer

Although contemporary newspaper articles can be a useful source of details regarding historical events sometimes they can provide a distorted account of events due to prejudice, political views and other influences. In 1843, just prior to the Great Famine, it was reported in one Waterford newspaper that a mob of nearly 100 men at the Pink Rock, in Glenmore, attacked the river paddle steamer, the Shamrock. However, this account was challenged by another Waterford newspaper.

On Wednesday the 26th of July 1843 the following article appeared on page 2 of the Waterford Mail.

“ATTACK ON THE SHAMROCK STEAMER. Saturday last, the Shamrock steamer was proceeding from this city to Ross, on passing Glenmore, close to Pink Rock, in the Ross river, a mob of nearly 100 fellows, who were collected on the rock, commenced flinging stones  at the passengers on board, shouting at the same time ‘Hurrah for Repeal.’ ‘Swamp the b—–y Tories.’ One female is, we are informed severely injured from the effects of a blow of a stone in the back of the neck, that she is confined to bed in consequence. The mob followed the steamer, throwing stones, for about 400 yards, when the course of the river enabled her get out of their reach —The captain from his conspicuous position on the paddle box had several narrow escapes. We understand that a party of the military accompanied by a magistrate were at the scene of the outrage, on Monday morning, in order to afford protection, if necessary, to the Shamrock on her return from Ross. We learn that some of the ringleaders in this brutal assault are known, and it is to be hoped will be dealt with according to their deserts.”

Hoffy (Philadelphia, c. 1847) Library of Congress

To put the events into context, Daniel O’Connell (1775-1847), referred as the Great Liberator, established the Repeal Movement which sought to Repeal the Act of Union of 1801 and introduce Home Rule for Ireland. It is reported that the repeal movement reached its climax in the mid-1840’s with branches established across Ireland and abroad. The year 1843 has been identified as the “season of the monster meetings.” (Ruddy (2015) “Dublin 1843: O’Connell’s Repeal Meetings,” 68(1) Dublin Historical Record, pp 60-70). During these monster meetings, attended by thousands, O’Connell implored followers to use lawful means. “He who commits a crime strengthens the enemy of his country.” The Waterford newspapers of 1843 contain numerous articles regarding and detailing activities across Ireland including meetings and alleged “outrages” perpetrated by proponents and opponents of the repeal movement. (See generally, Whyte (1959) “Daniel O’Connell and the Repeal Party,” 11(44) Irish Historical Studies, pp. 297-316.)

On Saturday the 29th of July 1843 the Waterford Chronicle, republished the Waterford Mail’s article of the 26th, and stated that the Mail “might as well have told the whole truth…” The Waterford Chronicle alleged that the Shamrock tried to run the rival paddle steamer, the Maid of Erin, onto the Pink Rock.  It was due to this “reprehensible conduct of the Shamrock’s Captain” that caused a “few stones” to have been flung on board the Shamrock. There were no shouts of “Hurrah for Repeal.” The Chronicle failed to deny the other shouts of “Swamp the —-_Tories.” The Chronicle recorded that there were “very hostile” feelings between the rival Steam Companies plying between New Ross and Waterford.

The Chronicle alleged that there was no surprise concerning the hostility because in “Orange-land there dwells not more Rabid Miscreants are to be found amongst the gang who patronise the Shamrock.” It was alleged that landlords along the river threatened distraint and ejectment of tenants who utilised the Maid of Erin steamer for travel or “freighting her” with even a sack of potatoes. It was alleged that one tenant had to hide in the engine room when he saw his landlord standing on the river side, and another had “keepers” placed on his property after information was given to his landlord that he sent his wife with a basket of eggs to Waterford on the Maid of Erin.

Repeal Assoc. Banner (Newsom, Library of Congress)

The Chronicle condemned the tenants who submitted to the “tyranny” of their landlords as deserving their degradation with no recognition that the laws of the time were written by the landlord class that also provided the magistrates and judges.  At the conclusion of the article, the Chronicle called upon the Clergy of Glenmore to bring the stone throwing perpetrators to justice. “We will hold their names up to scorn, and take care that if associated, they shall be erased from the lists of the Loyal Repeal Association, for the man who lifts his hand in riot at this glorious and important crisis of his country’s destiny, is a dangerous and deadly enemy.”

It seems evident that the Waterford Chronicle editor was pro-repeal and was trying to distance whatever occurred at the Pink Rock from the Repeal Movement. It is likely that the truth may lie somewhere between the two accounts. It seems unlikely that men just happened to be gathered at the Pink Rock and grabbed stones to pelt the Shamrock when they perceived the Captain of the Shamrock was trying to force the Maid of Erin on the rocks. It seems likely that the captain of the Maid of Erin would have reported to the authorities any attempt to force it on the rocks. Perhaps it was reported to the authorities, but the Chronicle does not state that it was.

Side paddle steamer

Interestingly both paddle steamers were built in Scotland by the same builder, Tod & MacGregow. The Shamrock was built in 1836 while the Maid of Erin was completed in 1839 and first went to Cork. She plied between Cork and Cobh. In July 1841 she collided with a fishing yawl. The yawl sank with loss of three of ten youths who were on board. In 1843 she was acquired by the New Ross and Waterford Steam Investment Company. Although the Shamrock stayed on the New Ross and Waterford route, and was later joined by the Ida, the Maid of Erin returned to Cork in around 1847. (For details concerning the two paddle steamers see, Caledonian Maritime Research Trust webpage, http://www.clydeships.co.uk).

Danny Dowling when interviewing Nicholas Forristal, of the Mill, Graiguenakill, Glenmore in 1951 recorded that the area where the Glenmore Creamery built its coal shed, on the Barrow, was known as Maid’s Quay after the boat. The name of the boat is not recorded in the interview, but it is surmised that the Maid of Erin may have been the ship that used this quay and lent it her name.

The repeal movement lapsed with the death of Daniel O’Connell in 1847. However, the Great Famine had already commenced before his death and for most rural inhabitants the potato blight, starvation and emigration replaced concern regarding the Act of Union of 1801.

The featured image is a google map of the Barrow River at Glenmore. The Pink Rock is at the Kilkenny side of the Rose Kennedy Bridge. The photo to the right is the Rose Kennedy Bridge taken from the Wexford side of the Barrow.

Update: Another notebook has been transcribed and next week items will be added to the various family pages etc. If anyone has a photo or information regarding Glenmore, or a person from Glenmore, that they would like to share, please send same to glenmore.history@gmail.com.

Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh