1830’s
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From Danny’s Files: The Rest of the Story of the Murder on Glenmore Hill
In one of his many notebooks, Danny Dowling (1927-2021) recorded contemporary newspaper accounts regarding the executions of three local men for murder in 1834. Patrick Meany, a native of Glenmore, had moved to Rosbercon and was convicted and executed for conspiring to kill his landlord Joseph Anthony Leonard, Esq. Please see our post of 9 February 2020 for the shocking details of how the murder was perpetrated and details of Philip Malone’s trial. Perhaps the biggest surprise Danny discovered and recorded in his notebook concerned Meany’s corpse after his execution. The place of the murder, and two of the executions arising from it, took place at the site of the murder just about a mile east of the N 25 Glenmore roundabout.
Danny found and recorded the following articles from the Waterford Mail newspaper.
Robert Malone (?-1834)
On Saturday the 26th of July 1834 at the Kilkenny County Assizes Robert Malone was convicted of the murder of Joseph Anthony Leonard, Esq. Robert Malone was sentenced to be hanged. The newspaper article noted, “It will be recollected that last Assizes his brother, Philip Malone, suffered for the same murder” (Waterford Mail, Mon. 28 July 1834).
After being found guilty and sentenced when Robert Malone was being taken from the court to the gaol “he exhibited great and disgusting levity. His execution took place in front of the gaol. Among the very great assemblage that witnessed his ignominious end, all seemed to think that he deserved his fate” (Waterford Mail, Wed. 30 July 1834.) [It is not clear why Robert Malone was executed outside the gaol in Kilkenny City after his brother Philip Malone was executed at the place of the murder on the Hill of Glenmore on the old mail coach road between Waterford and New Ross. Later Patrick Meany was also executed at the place of the murder.]
Patrick Meany (c. 1784-1834)
Patrick Meany was tried on Monday the 28th of July 1834 for conspiring to murder his landlord, Joseph Anthony Leonard, Esq. and inciting others to commit the murder. The jury was out for three hours and returned at 8 P.M. The jury returned a guilty verdict “The judge pronounced the culprit’s awful doom—to be hanged on Thursday.” The newspaper noted that Meany was the owner of the goods [cattle] Mr. Leonard had distrained (Waterford Mail, Wed. 30 July 1834).
The execution of Patrick Meany was set to take place on Tuesday the 12th of August at the scene of the murder (Waterford Mail, Sat. 2 Aug. 1834).
The Execution
“Another of the misguided persons concerned in the sanguinary murder of the late estimable Joseph Anthony Leonard, Esq. atoned for his share in the dreadful deed yesterday, at Shanbo (sic), the scene of the consummation, within three miles of New Ross, and 9 of this city. The malefactor upon this occasion was Patrick Meany…”
“An immense concourse of persons assembled yesterday to witness Meany’s ignominious departure from this world. A strong force of cavalry, infantry and police was also collected. The culprit—who seemed a man advanced at least to middle age—appeared to suffer very much from exhaustion, so much so that he was obliged to depute to his Reverend attendant the duty of addressing the immense multitude…”
“Although he expressed his contrition for having uttered denunciation against his prosecutor, he died without acknowledging the justice of the sentence or declaring his innocence. Soon afterwards the culprit was launched into eternity and the motely group of spectators separated. Five children we are informed, witnessed the execution of their guilty parent.”
Since the above was in type we received the following from a correspondent.
New Ross, August 12—Patrick Meany …was executed at the scene of the murder and where Philip Malone, one of the perpetrators of the murder, was executed on last St. Patrick’s Day. Meany was present at Philip Malone’s execution and also travelled to Kilkenny to attend the execution of Robert Malone during the last assizes.
“At half past eleven the cavalcade, consisting principally of the 9th Lancers, passed through New Ross. The unhappy individual who was the object of this mournful procession was seated in a chaise receiving religious consolation from his clergyman. He appeared to be fully sensible of his awful situation. If this could be a criterion to judge by he was fully resigned to meet his fate in a becoming and Christian like manner.”
At New Ross the 32nd Reserve and a large party of constabulary joined the cavalcade as did the Sheriff and Resident Magistrates. When they arrived at the fatal spot Meany descended from the chaise, accompanied by his Clergyman. He kneeled for some time in prayer at the foot of the gallows.
“The grim finisher of the law put the rope about his neck from behind. Meany turned suddenly round, and seemed to shrink from the trial he had to encounter. The Rev. Gentleman interposed his hand to shade his eyes. The man again looked agitated when his arms were being pinioned. When all was ready, he ascended the ladder with a firm step attended by the Rev. Gentleman, who first retired, and then returned again to strengthen the individual about to depart into eternity. He supported him by his back.”
“Meany now seemed weak, and the attentions of his spiritual adviser were continued to the last moment. His cap fell off, but it was quickly readjusted, and the fatal drop having been withdrawn, he died almost instantaneously.”
“Before ascending the gallows, the clergyman told the people that Meany felt sorry for having accused his prosecutor as he did in the Courthouse, that he willingly forgave all men and begged the prayers of all Christians” (Waterford Mail, Wed. 13 Aug. 1834).
The Wake & Burial of Patrick Meany
After having been suspended for some time, the body was taken away in an ass’s car by the family of the criminal, but it was afterwards removed to the Police Station at Rosbercon, to be conveyed back to Kilkenny (Waterford Mail, Wed. 13 Aug. 1834).
The body of Patrick Meany was waked on the night of his execution in the Rosbercon police barracks. His friends were admitted, and the body was interred the next day by the family, in the presence of the police (Waterford Mail, Mon. 18 Aug. 1834).
Generally, by the 19th century executions were public and carried out in front of gaols, and after 1868 executions were required to be held within the confines of the gaols. The corpse of an executed prisoner belonged to the State. Most were buried within the confines of the gaol in an unmarked grave in un-consecrated ground. From the time of Henry VIII authorities provided fresh executed prisoner corpses to doctors for training new doctors in anatomy. Due to religious and other beliefs families sought the bodies of their executed kin. The Meany family is the only family we have found so far that was allowed to wake and bury their father after his execution.
Thirteen years’ later convicted murderer Henry “Bounce” Walsh of Cat’s Rock, Glenmore asked the judge to give his body to his father and the request was refused. See our post of 16 August 2020 regarding the execution of Henry “Bounce” Walsh.
Please send any corrections or additional information to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
From Danny’s Files: The Manslaughter of Catherine Fitzgerald of Glenmore, Waterford
Danny Dowling (1927-2021) spent a considerable amount of time in the Waterford Public Library searching old local newspapers for news articles regarding Glenmore. Danny recorded that in the Waterford Mail of Saturday, the 21st of July 1838, Cornelius Fitzgerald was transported for 15 years for the manslaughter of his wife Catherine Fitzgerald, at Windgap, the 25th of March.
It is not apparent from his notes, but it is likely that Danny realized quickly after reading the article that the Glenmore where the Fitzgeralds lived was located in County Waterford. We are featuring the Waterford manslaughter case today because of the insight it provides to crime and justice in the early 19th century. It also serves as a useful contrast to the 1822 manslaughter of Catherine Hanrahan (c. 1798-1822) of Rochestown, Glenmore which we posted on 6 November 2022. Catherine Hanrahan was pregnant and shot in the back by a Waterford bailiff who was sentenced to 6 months for her manslaughter.
Bridget Fitzgerald née Mulcahy (?-1838)
We were unable to locate baptismal or marriage records for Bridget Mulcahy and her husband Cornelius Fitzgerald. We know from the newspaper accounts, of Cornelius Fitzgerald’s trial for the manslaughter of his pregnant wife, that the couple were married about 1833. We were able to locate baptismal records for three children born to the couple: (1) James Fitzgerald was baptized on 10 November 1833; (2) Catherine Fitzgerald was baptized on 11 September 1836, and (3) Cornelius Fitzgerald was baptized on the 22 April 1838. All three of the children were baptized in the parish of Dungarvan, Co. Waterford. According to testimony at his father’s trial, Cornelius the youngest child, only lived 4 days. It is not known if either of Bridget’s other known children survived her.
Waterford Assizes July 1838
Some of the convictions of the Waterford Assizes of July 1838 are outlined below. There is a lot of concern today regarding violent crime, but it seems apparent that in 1838 society was very violent. In one month in Waterford there were two convictions for murder, one conviction for manslaughter and a conviction for what today would be an aggravated assault on an elderly man.
At the County Waterford Assizes at the end of July 1838, the following convictions were recorded: Cornelius Fitzgerald, for killing his wife, when in a state of pregnancy, was sentenced to 15 years’ transportation; John Fitzgerald, of Cappa, was convicted for harbouring and maintaining the notorious Connery’s, convicts and prison breakers; William Merman, carpenter, for the murder of his apprentice to be hanged the 4th of August; Martin Kelly, for shooting at, and grievously wounding the late Mr. John Keeffe (who was aged over 80); and John and Patrick Connery, goal breaking, were senteced to 15 years’ transportation (Kerry Evening Post, Wed. 25 July 1838, p. 1).
At the Waterford City Assizes, Andrew English was convicted of stealing sheep and sentenced to 15 years’ transportation. Thus, Cornelius Fitgerald received the same sentence for killing his wife as another man received who stole sheep and two other men received who broke out of prison. Lastly, Thomas McCarthy was convicted of the murder of his wife and sentenced to hang on the 4th of August (Waterford Mail, Sat. 21 July 1838 p. 3). Thomas Carthy (sic) was granted a “respite until further orders” for the murder of his wife. He was recommended to “mercy on account of imbecility of mind” (Waterford Mail, Sat. 4 August 1838, p. 2).
The Trial of Cornelus Fitzgerald
Although the results of his trial were reported widely, the details of the trial were only reported in two Waterford newspapers: The Waterford Mail (Sat. 21 July 1838, p. 2) and the Waterford Chronicle (Sat. 21 July 1838, p. 7). We shall utilise the slightly longer Waterford Mail and place any additional facts or information from the Waterford Chronicle in parentheses.
Cornelius Fitzgerald was put forward, charged with the manslaughter of his wife, Bridget Fitzgerald, at Windgap, on the 25th of March 1838.
The Testimony of Mary Keily/Keife
Mary Keily was sworn and examined by Counsellor Dixon. (The Chronicle reported that Mary Keife, not Keily, was sworn and examined through an interpreter, Mr. Dixon.) It seems likely that all the witnesses and probably the defendant only spoke Irish while the trial was conducted in English. However, the reference to an interpreter was only made regarding the testimony of Mary Keily/Keife.
Mary testified that she knew “the prisoner at the bar” for the last 20 years, and she knew his wife, Bridget Fitzgerald. She explained that the prisoner and his wife lived near her at Glenmore. She stated that the prisoner and his deceased wife were “5 years married.” Before her death the deceased “was in the family way.” Mary stated that Brigid died on “last Easter Monday.” Easter in 1838 fell on Sunday the 15th of April which suggests that Bridget Fitzgerald died on the 16th of April and did not die on the 25th of March as her husband was charged.
Mary testified that she often saw the prisoner strike his wife, but she did not see him strike her for some time before her death. Mary saw him kick his wife and beat her with a rope and an iron back band. Bridget Fitzgerald only lived a short time after her lying in. Mary saw bruises on Brigid on the Good Friday before her death. She also had a cut on her head and blood on it. Mary washed Bridget’s head twice (and both times there was blood in the water.) She saw Brigid’s black back only at the inquest.
Cross Examination of Mary Keily/Keife
Mr. Hassard conducted the cross examination. Mary stated that it was the prisoner that called her to attend his wife during her confinement. He did not go for Bridget’s mother although her mother had been with her the week before her death. The prisoner and a little boy went for the priest, but when the priest arrived Bridget was insensible. The child Brigid bore lived four days after his birth. Mary could not tell at what time Brigid was struck with the backband.
The Testimony of Mrs. Bridget Mulcahy
Bridget Mulcahy was sworn, and examined by Counsellor Scott, Q.C. Bridget testified that she was the mother of the deceased, and that she had been with the deceased a week before her death. When she arrived at the house she went into the room where her daughter was lying, and found her “like a beehive” at the foot the bed. Her daughter told her to look at her head, and “said that she did not consider the pain in her head to be compared with her back.” She told her mother that “she was killed on the Friday before Good Friday,” when struck with bellows that the prisoner threw at her. Her daughter went on to say that “the blood coming from her head made her heart break and that it was her husband that killed her.” Mrs. Mulcahy testified that her daughter was delivered before she died in the week after Good Friday. Mr. Hassard cross-examined this witness, “but nothing material was elicited.”
The Testimony of Doctor Travers
Dr. Travers was examined by Counsellor Porter, Q.C. Dr, Travers testified that he performed a post mortem on the deceased about a week to ten days after she was buried. (He could not recall the date in early May). He found there was an open wound on the head about one inch and quarter long. The wound might have been given the week before the examination. He noted that there was also blackness about the abdomen and on the back. Dr. Travers said “he rather thinks that the wound was occasioned by violence.”
He also stated that there were “no evident marks to occasion the death of the deceased.” While the wound on the head was open, a blow on the abdomen, or on the spine, would be of great injury to person in the state the woman was in. He did not find any coagulated blood on the wound on the head. The doctor opined that the injuries might have brought on premature labour. In the doctor’s opinion, from the state of the womb, the wounds would have caused death. (The Waterford Chronicle reported that the doctor stated that death was caused in his opinion “from all of the circumstances, was, that violence was the cause.”)
(In response to a question from a juror the doctor stated that he thought the injuries caused premature labour.)
The Cross Examination of Doctor Travers
Cross-examined by Mr. Hassard the doctor testified that the midwife could have a better knowledge of the state of the woman because he had not seen the body until seven or ten days after interment. (If he had seen the blackness on the body before burying, he might say that they were not the cause of violence.) (The doctor also stated that if two ignorant women had been attending a person in her confinement, it is not unlikely that there would be more danger in that case.) (In response to another question from a juror the doctor stated that he believed that the woman who attended as a midwife was not usually employed in that way.)
The Verdict & Sentence
The defence did not put forth any witnesses. Mr. Hassard addressed the jury on behalf of the prisoner (spoke to evidence, and said that the case was one of very considerable doubt at least. The learned gentlemen proceeded to speak at great length, and with much eloquence on the evidence. )
Mr. Hassard “dealt with the Crown Counsel with some severity for not having brought forward a person of the name of Shea who had been instrumental in ‘exciting’ the prosecution.” This “occasioned some warm expressions between him and Mr. Scott.” The matter was only settled when Mr. Scott explained “the cause for not bringing Shea forward.” The judge having charged the jury, they retired, and in few minutes found a verdict of guilty. (In contrast the Waterford Chronicle reported, the judge charged the jury at very considerable length, who retired for some time, and returned a verdict of guilty).
Cornelius Fitgerald was sentenced to be transported for 15 years.
Please send any corrections or additional information to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
The featured photo above is courtesy of wikimedia and depicts the 19th century connvict ship The Neptune. For further reading on transportation see generally, Allingham, “Transportation as Judicial Punishment in 19th Century Britain.”
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Glenmore’s Secret Society of Whitefeet [Updated]
Secret agrarian societies in Ireland date back to the 1760’s when the Whiteboy movement started in Tipperary. Whiteboys were a form of rural vigilantism to fight against tithes or the enclosing of common land. Sometimes they were referred to as Levellers because they levelled fences or ditches enclosing land. (James S. Donnelly (1977-1978) “The Whiteboy Movement, 1761-5.” Irish Historical Studies, p. 21). Between 1760 and the Famine in 1845 there were outbreaks of rural violence in Ireland. Other groups developed including: the Threshers, Carders, Rockites, and Whitefeet. The most common agrarian crime committed by these groups was the anonymous notice or threatening letter (S.R. Gibbons, (1982) Rockites and Whitefeet: Irish Peasant Secret Societies, 1800-1845 (University of Southhampton, Doctoral Thesis)).
Threatening Letters
S. R. Gibbons examined 500 threatening letters and concluded that these groups were concerned with five primary issues.
The first issue concerned land, especially conacre, the availability of tenancies, rents and wages. Conacre was the letting of a small piece of land for the growing of a specific crop. Usually, the crop was potatoes. No relationship developed between the landlord, middleman or grower under conacre.
The second issue concerned efforts to regulate local employment and necessities. Thus, threatening letters were used to maintain employment, to procure the dismissal of “stranger labourers”, to regulate the prices of basic commodities and to prevent the export of food from the immediate locality.
The third issue the secret societies sought to control were the tithe valuations and the elimination of proctors. The tithes were taxes imposed for the support of the Church of Ireland. Eventually, the secret societies sought to abolish the tithe.
The fourth issue concerned the condemnation of Protestants and Orangemen.
The fifth issue the secret societies sought to influence in their threatening letters and notices concerned legal and political issues, including distraint, the police and the obtaining of arms. (Gibbons (1982) Rockites and Whitefeet: Irish Peasant Secret Societies, 1800-1845). Distraint was the legal mechanism where a landlord could have the personal property of his tenant seized for the payment of rent arrears. Animals or crops were often seized and then sold.
Growth and Membership of the Secret Societies
The growth of such societies was fuelled by the end of the Napoleonic Wars when the price of crops plummeted and grazing became more lucrative than tillage. In order to survive many Irish men resisted by joining secret societies and violence often followed. It has been opined that membership of the secret agrarian societies depended on whether disturbances took place during the period of prosperity when the landless revolted or during depressions when substantial farmers joined (James S. Connelly, Jr., (1983) “The Social Composition of Agrarian Rebellions in the Early 19th Century Ireland: The Case of the Carders and Caravats, 1813-1816” in Radical, Rebels & Establishments (Corish ed.) 151-170 Maynooth: Appletree. p. 154-155). Thus, at various times different classes joined the secret societies.
Glenmore Whitefeet Letters & Notices
Below are copies of threatening letters or posters that were placed in or around Glenmore primarily in the 1830’s.
The oldest reference to a secret society operating in Glenmore, then referred to as Glanmore, was published in June 1777. “On the 9th ult. After sunset, upwards of 300 of those lawless miscreants, called White Boys, assembled on the High Road, leading from Ross to Waterford, in Ireland, near the lands of Glanmore, and, without the least provocation, beat and wounded in a cruel and barbarous manner, Mr. W. Innes, of Rathpatrick, in the County of Kilkenny. In consequence of which, the principal neighbouring gentlemen have offered a spirited reward, for apprehending, and prosecuting to conviction, the persons concerned therein” (Northampton Mercury, Mon. 16 June 1777, p. 3).
In December 1831 the Tithe War resulted in the killing of 14 police at the townland of Carrickshock in Co. Kilkenny. [For further details regarding the Tithe, see Stephen McCormack (2005) “The Tithe War: Reports by Church of Ireland Clergy to Dublin Castle,” 4(13) History of Ireland. See our post of 20 Sept. 2020 regarding Glenmore and the Tithe Tax.]
Within a month of Carrickshock notices regarding Whitefeet threats made in or around Glenmore began to appear and were reported widely in newspapers.
1832
The Waterford Mail (Sat. 3 Nov. 1832, p. 3) published copies of two notices posted on the chapel doors of Glanmore.
“Take notice, Mr. Strange of Elwardstown (sic) not sell or bestow the value of one penny to the Police of Glanmore or else if you do, quit this land—Written by the Gentlemen regulators of Ireland. I hope you all will take notice by this, let no person take down this notice.”
“Take notice any person or persons that will sell or bestow to the value of one penny to the Police of Glanmore, or else if you do ye will be condemned to ashes both yourself and your property it is written by the grate (sic) and worthy regulators of Ireland.”
Laurence Strange, Esq., of Aylwardstown, held a lease from the Earl of Bessborough. The 1833 Griffith’s Valuation provides that Strange farmed 63 acres and was landlord to 252 acres. Thus, Laurence Strange was the landlord of the townland although he was not the owner of the land.
[Updated 8 Oct. 2025] In October 1832, “the house of Patrick Fitzgerald, of Weatherstown, near Rosbercon, was attacked on Wednesday night by an armed party of Whitefeet, who broke in his door and robbed him of a gun. They fired several shots into the house” [Dublin Evening Packet & Correspondent, Sat. 13 Oct. 1832, p. 3].
Patrick Fitzgerald of Weatherstown continued to be attacked. The following month, “on Sat. night a cow, the property of Patrick Fitzgerald, of Weatherstown, near Ross, was hanged in consequence, it is supposed, of his taking land about 18 months back (Wexford Conservative, Sat. 17 Nov. 1832, p. 1). Other newspapers stated that the cow was haughed.
“The houses of Laurence Sullivan, of Ballybrahy, and Martin Holden, of Annis, in the above neighbourhood, were visited by parties of Whitefeet on Saturday night who robbed them of fire arms. They fired several shots but did no injury to any of the inmates” (Wexford Conservative, Sat. 17 Nov. 1832, p. 1).
1833
The Chutes Western Herald (Thurs. 7 Feb. 1833, p. 3) published citing “From the Kilkenny Moderator of Saturday—Six armed men entered the house of Patrick Fitzgerald, of Aywardstown in the Barony of Ida, on the night of Sunday last, and threatened him with instant death if he attempted to prosecute James Cleary at the ensuing assizes. Cleary compelled him some time since to pay £5 5s., for which he gave a docket of protection, which he told Fitzgerald would save him from any future attack from the Whitefeet.”
In the 1833 Griffith’s Valuation Pat Fitzgerald, of Aylwardstown, farmed 12 acres. Given the extortion and threats of violence it was surprising to find the following article in the Morning Advertser (Thurs. 14 February 1833, p. 1) where the priests induced the Glenmore parishioners to surrender their arms.
“Surrender of arms by the Peasantry—you will be gratified to learn that the deluded people in the county of Kilkenny are at length delivering up their arms. In the parish of Glanmore in that county, no less than 20 stand of arms have been given up to the Catholic clergy within the last few days. One of those clergymen communicated the fact to J. Esmond, Esq, a Magistrate of the county of Kilkenny, requesting that he should take charge of the arms. Mr. Esmond readily acquiesced, and had them forwarded to Waterford, where they were lodged by his direction on Friday.”
At the beginning of March 1833 the Leinster Express (Sat. 2 March 1833, p. 4) published several notices or threats posted across the region including:
“A Whitefoot Notice was lately posted up in the neighbourhood of Glanmore, ordering the people of the County of Waterford to desist from working at the farm of Glinn of Shambough. If they attempted to go there again the notice stated that they would be shot.”
Later that month, Glenmore was propelled into the news with the murder of a Catholic landlord of Shanbogh, Anthony Joseph Leonard, Esq., on the hill of Glenmore by three of his tenants. See our previous post of 9 Feb. 2020.
The Chutes Western Herald (Mon. 7 Oct. 1833, p. 4) referenced the Kilkenny Moderator as its source for the following threats with multiple men named and threatened.
“The following is the copy of an illegal notice posted on the chapel of Mullinaharrible, in the parish of Listerlin and barony of Ida, on Sunday last: “All such land jobbers as gave up the ground and began to till it again will be sorry; it happen them more than Marum or Joyce. We neither hough cattle or burn houses, to destroy the country as we did before. No sheet iron inside the doors will not prevent us, but we will go and drop them on the spot. Phelan, Philip Malone, Trasey, Forestal, and Kerewan, so prepare, the long nights are coming. Let the parish see we are neither afraid of informers or pointers. Such as will visit you will have no informers or pointers. There is a great deal that we did not mention that will suffer as well as the rest.”
On the night of the 10th of October, “the dairies of Patrick Fitzgerald, James Malone, and Thomas Keeffe, all of Weatherstown, in the Barony of Ida, were feloniously broken open by some evil disposed persons in search of plunder. A quantity of butter in firkins was taken out of Fitzgerald’s dairy, but nothing was found in either of the others worth removing (Kilkenny Moderator, Wed. 16 Oct. 1833, p. 3). Unusually the break-ins and theft were not associated by the newspaper with the local Whitefeet although Patrick Fitzgerald, of Weatherstown, was targeted several times by the Whitefeet.
1834
The Waterford Mirror (13 Jan. 1834) published in its column on Whitefeet activity in Co. Kilkenny the following: “All gates of Bawnjames, a farm belonging to Mr. Magrath of Rosbercon, in the Barony of Ida, was maliciously broken and destroyed on the night of Sunday last.”
Toward the end of the month, the Kilkenny Moderator (Sat. 25 January 1834, p. 2) reported: “A few nights since the windows of Michael Rigby’s dwelling house at Ballyvera, in the parish of Glanmore were maliciously broken and a stone flung into his bedroom. Rigby says he is not aware of having done anything to cause this attack on his house.”
Seven years later Michael Rigby (c. 1791-1841) was murdered by one of his Ballyveria neighbours as the men were walking to attend Stations in the Glenmore Chapel. The murder was committed over two fields. See, our post of 18 July 2021 regarding the murder.
The following notice was published in the Belfast Commercial Chronicle (Sat. 29 March 1834, p. 4). “From the Kilkenny Moderator—on Sunday night last a Rockite Notice was posted upon the chapel of Glanmore, barony of Ida, threatening death to any person who would dare, after that notice, to take possession of the land Graignakilla (sic) in the above neighbourhood.
Describing the conditions in Kilkenny and Cork as approaching a Civil War, Bell’s Life in London and Sporting Chronicle (Sun. 23 Nov. 1834, p. 1) published the following article that highlighted Patrick Kennedy of Robinstown, Glenmore.
“The police of the County of Kilkenny have, ever since the unfortunate affair of Carrickshaugh (sic) been marked objects of antipathy to the peasanty, who have never hesitated to manifest their feeling (whenever a safe opportunity occurred) in insult, or even personal outrage. But of late a more systematic proceeding has been observed in the warfare carried on by the peasantry again the unpopular police force. Although the police were feared in the open field, they were not treated with the least appearance of respect by the multitude with whom they come into contact at fairs, markets, races etc.“
“In the Barony of Glanmore the spirit of defiance is progressing in a very marked manner, and the police now think it prudent not to interfere in what are very properly termed its ‘Whiskey fights’ wherein their interposition has generally had the effect of adding fuel to fire. About two months ago it was observed that there was a disinclination to provide the constabulary with country provisions, and instead of any thing like a competition for the supply of the canteen in the neighburhood, there was, on the contrary, a marked ill will towards any who undertook such contracts.”
“One of these, Mr. Patrick Kennedy residing at Robinstown, in the barony of Ida, who was hardy enough to undertake to supply the Glanmore police with milk, found a threatening Whitefoot notice nailed on his door, warning him of the consequence if he persevered in this “disloyal” contract. He did persevere, confiding in the protection of the police; nearly two months elapsed, and he thought himself forgotten by the midnight legislators, but on Monday night last he was reminded of their existence by finding a valuable colt houghed in his stable.”
“In Cork the peasantry have refused to work for landlords who have made themselves ‘marked men’ The Cork papers relate the case of one of these proprietors who for some time past found it impossible to hire labourers.” When it was time to dig potatoes near Dunamanway the landlord was told to dig the potatoes himself or get Orange Protestants to do it for him. A group in Dumanway, “including some respectable shop keepers, arrived and in a few hours of work dug and picked up the potatoes. The group attempted to engage some Catholic labourers to assist, but as soon as the Catholic labourers learned where they were to work, they refused notwithstanding the fact that they were offered double wages for the day. As the Orange group started home they were ‘hissed and hooted…’”
1835
Notwithstanding the efforts of the Glenmore priests in 1833 parishioners continued to have arms. The following article appeared in the Carlow Sentinel (Sat. 23 May 1835, p. 1).
“Six persons were convicted at the Petty Sessions of Rosbercon, on Saturday last, before Colonel Osborne, R.M. and Mr. Keogh, the sitting Magistrates, for having unregistered arms in their possession. The Police found in their houses, in the neighbourhood of Listerlin and of Glanmore—6 guns, 1 pistol, 1 blunderbuss barrel, 1 sword cane, 1 pike, besides 6 powder horns, some bullets and slugs.”
Glenmore Oral Tradition of Whitefeet
Thanks to Danny Dowling (1927-2021) we know the identify of two of the leaders of the local Whitefeet as well as where they met. Danny interviewed Nicky “the Miller” Forristal (1888-1979) in 1955. Nicky identified the leaders of the Whitefeet in the Glenmore area as Captains Starlight and Lusty.
Nicky related that Captain Starlight was a Malone and the family bore the nickname of Spur. They lived in a small cabin which was situated under the road leading to Forristalstown from the Mill Cross Road at a point alongside the path which Tom Walsh used as a shortcut to Forristalstown.
Captain Lusty was a Purcell and lived in a small house in Forristalstown on the bounds of Ballyverneen. Billy Tománsín of Killivory, Glenmore was a descendent of his.
Before their nightly escapades they used drink with their men in a shebeen in Ballygurrum which was kept by one Billy Walsh nicknamed Billy Buíde. According to Nicholas Forristal the Billy Buíde was a grandfather to the present Henry Doolan’s wife of Shanbough.
The following rhymes were written about the two Whitefeet Captains.
Here’s a health to Billy Buíde
And may he long reign.
We’ll call for spring water,
And he’ll bring us brown ale,
To strengthen our bones and
Put speed in our feet,
To make us well able to whale the police.
Are you in bed Captain Lusty?
And he answered us no.
Are you in bed Captain Starlight,
And he answered also.
Billy Buíde’s house at Ballygurrim cross was later occupied by Dick Cahill.
Interview of Wattie Power (c. 1888-1961) of Jamestown, Glenmore
Also in 1955 Danny Dowling interviewed his Jamestown neighbour Wattie Power and recorded the following regarding the Glenmore Whitefeet.
“The following is verse in connection with the Whitefeet which body was active in this area in the first half of the last century, and also in part of the previous century. Four verses is all Wattie could remember.”
“The Whitefeet and Blackfeet were crossing a bog,
As tired and as weary as any mad dog.
Says one to the other if we were at home,
T’would be the best of our play to leave the Whitefeet alone.
Long life to Pol Cahill and long may she reign,
When we called for spring water, she brought us down cream.
To put strength in our body and speed in our feet,
And make us well able to chase the police.”
See our post of 23 Sept 2020 for the Glenmore Version of the Ballad of Carrickshock.
The featured drawing is from sheet music, The Irish Peasant (Ireland 1800-1870) © Trustees Indiana University http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/lilly/starr/LL-SSM-2-136-0014. The drawing of the midnight raiders was drawn by an artist for The Graphic (Sat. 14 Jan. 1882, p. 8) (c) Illustrated London News Group, Courtesy of British Library Board. The owners of the goats related that they evicted a tenant and later their goats were slaughtered in the middle of the night.
Please send any corrections or further information to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
From Danny’s Files: The 1837 Killing of Michael Phelan of Rochestown, Mullinavat
In Danny Dowling’s files an article was found which was copied from the Waterford Mail (Sat. 15 June 1839, p. 2). It provides that Laurence Foley, who brutally murdered his landlord, Pat. Phelan, of Rochestown, County Kilkenny in October 1837 evaded arrest for two years. Foley was arrested in County Tipperary and identified by the mother of the deceased. According to the Ballyshannon Herald (Fri. 21 June 1839, p. 3) Foley was arrested by Chief Constable Roney and Head Constable Mason. This is an interesting pre-Famine case because no motive was revealed for the killing although the newspapers at the time drew attention to the fact that the victim was a landlord of the defendant Foley. However, it appears that the victim had a modest holding.
Unfortunately, the Waterford Mail published the wrong name of the man killed, and from the information presented it was not clear which Rochestown in Kilkenny was the home of the victim. The victim was identified as Patt Phelan, Michael Phelan and sometimes Whelan in the newspapers. Knowing that trial accounts often are the more reliable of newspaper information we located reference to the trial of Laurence Foley in the Freeman’s Journal (Wed. 24 July 1839, p. 1). Baron Foster arrived from Clonmel for the Kilkenny Assizes the previous day and opened the Kilkenny Commission in the County Court at 10 a.m. Baron Foster addressed the Grand Jury and stated that he was happy to be able to congratulate them on the state of the court calendar. There were sixteen defendants for trial. He said that it was gratifying to find that agrarian outrages had ceased in County Kilkenny. However, he regretted that of the few cases to be heard there were four homicides. The totality of the report on the Laurence Foley case in this particular newspaper was that he was indicted for the manslaughter of Michael Whelan (sic) and found guilty.
Luckily, the Kilkenny Moderator (Sat. 27 July 1839, p. 20) provided details concerning the case that arose with the slaying of Michael Phelan (sic) near Mullinavat on the 3rd of October 1837. From this article and a review of Griffith’s Valuation we were able to determine that the victim lived in Rochestown, Mullinavat rather than Rochestown, Glenmore. The article provided the names of the jurors that heard the case: Richard Lalor, John Power, Edward Hunt, Edward S. Delaney, John Brenan, Anthony Nugent, James Butler, Emmanuel Fitzpatrick, Nicholas Cahill, Robert Walshe, Daniel Lalor, and Daniel Phelan.
The first witness to give evidence was John Phelan, a brother of the victim. John Phelan testified that the defendant, Laurence Foley, struck his brother Michael two years previously at Moonvoor, near Mullinavat. He had seen the defendant at the Mullinavat fair that day, and the defendant walked part of the way home with John and his brother, the victim. The brothers stopped at Patt Browne’s house on their way home to enquire about shoes that Browne was making for the victim. Soon after they went into Browne’s house the defendant Foley came to the door with a stone in his hand. Browne saw the defendant and as Browne went to push him out of the house the defendant dropped the stone. He then “caught up” a spade. With the help of the brothers, Browne pushed the defendant out of his house. The brothers then pushed the defendant outside the yard and “desired him to go home.” They turned to go back into Browne’s house and the defendant took up a stone and threw it at the victim, Michael Phelan, who was knocked down. John Phelan turned and saw defendant at the yard wall after throwing the stone. He heard one blow. The stone hit his brother in the back of the head. John immediately collared the defendant and tripped him up. When his brother did not rise he called out “murder.” He let go of the defendant and ran to his brother, but his brother could not stand. The victim lived till the following day. He did not see anyone other than the defendant near his brother when his brother was struck.
John Phelan testified that the defendant had taken “a sup” that night, and had been in the Police barracks that evening before he struck the victim. There had been no previous quarrel and he could not say why the defendant struck his brother. After striking the victim the defendant ran away, and the defendant left the place where he had been living. John Phelan admitted that he struck the defendant when he had him collared.
To questioning by the Judge, John Phelan stated that the defendant was not very drunk that night as he was well able to walk and talk when he came to the door with the stone in his hand. John Phelan could not say whether the defendant said anything. Prior to the attack the three men walked about a quarter of a mile together. The defendant called Browne a Whitefoot. John Phelan stated that Browne was a cousin of the Phelan brothers. He admitted they were all in dread of the defendant Foley because he was a bad character. The defendant was their tenant for some ground.
Patrick Browne then testified that he was working in his shop on the evening when the Phelan brothers came in to look for a pair of shoes. They were with him a few minutes when he heard shouting on the street. The defendant came and called the boys out to fight. Browne wanted to keep the defendant out, but the defendant managed to enter his door. Browne wanted the defendant to go home. While Browne was pushing the defendant out of the door a stone dropped from his hand. The defendant then seized a spade, but they shoved him out. The defendant then said to Browne, “You have my two landlords with you—to the devil with them—I’ll have my revenge.” He heard the cry of “murder” soon after, but when he heard it a second time he ran out and saw Michael Phelan nearly dead. He did not see the defendant then or later in the neighbourhood after that occurrence, nor since until the present assizes.
Doctor A. Cuilinan proved the nature of the wound which, he said, caused the death of the deceased. The Judge shortly “recapitulated the evidence” and the Jury, in a few moments returned a verdict of Guilty of Manslaughter. Foley was sentenced to transportation for 7 years.
The Kilmainham Prison Register provides that Laurence Foley, prisoner number 2405, was sentenced to 7 years for manslaughter by Baron Foster on 20 July 1839 at Kilkenny. The New South Wales, Australia, Convict Indents, 1788-1842 reveals that Laurence Foley, of Kilkenny, arrived in Australia on 8 October 1839 aboard the Nautilus although this appears to be too quick a sailing time even if the ship left immediately following the trial. Perhaps the 8 October 1839 date reflects the date the ship sailed from Ireland? The records reveal that Foley was 30 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches tall and had hazel eyes, brown hair and a fresh complexion.
Three Rochestown townlands were located in Kilkenny. In the Griffith’s Valuation: Tithe Applotment Books there were no Phelan/Whelan in Rochestown, civil parish of Kilcolumb, Glenmore. Likewise, there were no Phelan/Whelan in Roachestown, civil parish of Rathkieran of Mooncoin (1833). Rochestown in the civil parish of Ballylarkin in 1827 had a Thomas Whelan who held 14 acres. It appears that Ballylarkin was originally in the Catholic Parish of Kilmacow but was transferred to Mullinavat Parish in the early 1840’s about the time Glenmore became a parish distinct from Slieverue.
In searching for Michael and John Phelan, utilizing the possibility that Thomas was their father, we located a John Phelan baptised on 16 June 1811 in Templeorum the son of Thomas Phelan and Catherine Crowly with an address of Kilonerry. Michael Phelan was baptized on 26 December 1807. Unfortunately, we cannot be certain that this is the correct family, and we were unable to locate a baptismal record for Laurence Foley.
Please send any additional information or corrections to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
The featured sketch above is from the New York Public Library, Digital Collection, The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Picture CollectionShelf locator: PC IMM. “London : printed and published at the Office, 198 Strand, in the Parish of St. Clement Danes, in the county of Middlesex, by William Little, 198, Strand, aforesaid. Saturday, June 19, 1852.”Source note: Illustrated London news. (London : Illustrated London News and Sketch Ltd., 1842-).
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Local Accounts of Body Snatching
Long before newspapers became available on the internet to search, Danny Dowling (1927-2021) spent a considerable amount of time in libraries reading old local newspapers in his quest for information on Glenmore. Often when Danny would come across an article that he found interesting he would make a notation in his notebook recording the newspaper, date and page. Below are excerpts from several articles that Danny collected on body snatching, resurrectionists or as the Waterford Mail newspaper dubbed them the “sack-em ups.”
It is well documented that in the 18th and 19th centuries medical institutions in order to teach anatomy to medical students required fresh cadavers. Unfortunately, the majority of bodies that could be obtained legally were those of executed criminals. The demand by medical institutions far exceeded the supply. Doctors resorted to paying for “illegal” fresh cadavers without asking how the cadaver was obtained. While medical students and professional body snatchers worked at night in nearby grave yards digging up corpses two Irishmen living in Edinburgh, Scotland, hit upon a labour saving plan. William Burke and William Hare, obtained the freshest cadavers because they resorted to killing others who lived in their boarding house. William Burke (1792-1829) was hanged in January 1829 for his role in murdering and selling the bodies of 16 people over a 12 month period. Ironically Burke’s body was given to the medical institution where he sold his victims. These events led to the Anatomy Act of 1832, that increased the means of legally obtained cadavers. Now the bodies of the poor, such as those dying unclaimed in hospitals, workhouses, and prisons could now legally be taken for dissection. This legislation does not appear to have stopped the trade.
In November 1833, the Waterford Mail newspaper under a headline “Resurrectionists in Waterford,” reported that a woman named Johanna Power, was interred the previous week a few miles from town. “From the unusual circumstances of two medical young gentlemen driving into town in a peculiar kind of vehicle, long after midnight on Tuesday morning, some suspicion about the resurrection of the body were excited, and a search being accordingly instituted, the remains of poor Johanna were found entombed within a sack, on the upper floor of a store in Michael Street.” After the discovery, the body of the old woman was recommitted to the earth, in what the newspaper stated was “a much decent coffin and attended by a much larger funeral than before.”
“But curiosity was still at work to find out the “Sack-em ups,” and from a combination of circumstances with which we are not acquainted, suspicion at last settled upon the Messrs. Kenney.” In what was a resurrectionist riot, “a large mob rushed down towards the cross accordingly, about noon, on Thursday, and broke the shop windows of these gentlemen, and it was evident that the rioters would have proceeded to an attack of a more violent nature, but for the timely presence of the Mayor and constables. A party of soldiers were ordered from the barracks, but the rioters were nearly dispersed before they arrived.” Mr. Kenney’s shop remained closed, as it was feared that the mob would repeat the attack (Waterford Mail, Sat. 16 Nov. 1833, p. 2).
The problem appeared to be much worse in the Dublin area. The Waterford Mail also reported in 1833 that in Mark’s church yard “the resurrectionists raised no less than seven bodies in all, succeeded in taking away five, and left two more exposed behind them” (Waterford Mail, Sat. 9 Feb. 1933, p. 1). In December the church yard of Monkstown was entered and several graves opened with the grave clothes and coffins left scatted about the Church yard (Waterford Mail, Sat. 21 Dec. 1833, p. 4). In 1834, two resurrectionists were shot in the Rathfornham churchyard while attempting to disinter the body of a lady. The shootings were reported to the Rathfarnham police when a servant of Baron Smith reported that there was a wounded man lying in his master’s lawn. The wounded man gracing the lawn was Christopher Carney who told the police that he and two men named Dighan and Hanbury were in the Rathfarnham Church yard at 3 a.m. When they were digging into the grave two shots were fired from the watch house attached to the Church yard. Carney was wounded in the thigh and abdomen and Hanbury’s arm was broken. The police subsequently arrested James Hughes and Anthony Neil, the men who shot the resurrectionists. Hughes and Neil had been placed as guards to protect the grave of the lady. A search of the grave yard revealed that the resurrectionists had a loaded pistol with their tools (Kerry Evening Post, Sat. 4 Jan. 1834, p. 2).
After the 1830’s very little was reported in local newspapers concerning the trade. However, in 1859 a news item from the Cincinnati Gazette was published under the headline, “A Man Hung by a Corpse.” “A body snatcher who had stolen a corpse from a graveyard in the neighbourhood of that city” placed the corpse in a bag. He closed the bag with a cord which he placed around his shoulder. While attempting to climb over a high fence, the corpse fell on one side of the fence and the body snatcher on the other. The cord slipped around the body snatcher’s throat and he was choked to death (Wexford People, Sat. 26 March 1859, p. 3).
The Waterford Mirror and Tramore Visitor, published an article in 1865 concerning a related trade on the Thames. “Every night throughout the year boats start on an unholy mission. Men live by fishing for corpses. This ghastly trade is at least as profitable as regular labour…” It was noted that often there was a reward for the recovery of a corpse offered for the body by a friend or legal representative of the deceased. Also, there were sometimes valuables or money in the pockets of the deceased. However, at the very least the coroner paid six shillings for every corpse brought to him. It was alleged that after stealing the money or valuables the corpse was usually slipped back into the river to enable another man to claim the six shillings. Although it was alleged that the Thames Police took prompt charge of all bodies that they see there were not enough boats or men to cover the river. London Express. (Waterford Mirror and Tramore Visitor, Wed. 6 Sept. 1865, p. 4).
In 1890, the Waterford Standard published an article announcing, or perhaps warning readers, that luminous harness had been patented. A horse being driven at night “looks like a sheet of lightening. There are luminous match boxes, and luminous ghosts to scare away grave robbers. After every great grave robbery metallic coffins come in by the score…” “one coffin surrounded by bars of wrought iron, binding the casket and extending out from it at such a distance that when set in the earth it would be impossible to move it except by derrick” (Waterford Standard, Sat. 30 August 1890, p. 4). It appears obvious that body snatching or grave robbing continued to be a concern locally.
In Glenmore right through the early 20th century, after a funeral the chapel door would be left open and the chief mourners would spend a certain number of nights in the chapel to ensure that the new grave would not be robbed. Nicholas Forristal (1888-1979) of the Mill, Graiguenakill, told Danny that prior to around 1880 a man who lived at the bottom of the “churns” in Glenmore used to dig up a fresh corpse, place the corpse in a large basket in a horse drawn cart, drive the corpse into Waterford and sell it to a doctor who would use the corpse for training new doctors. The man on his return trip from Waterford was said to fill the basket with bread and bring it back to Glenmore. No newspaper report has been found regarding any body snatching or grave robbing occurring in Glenmore in any of the cemeteries. It may have been a fireside story told to entertain the young and based on events that occurred elsewhere and reported in local newspapers. For further information on Glenmore funeral practices see our previous post of 8 December 2019.
The drawing of William Burke above was made by a portrait artist who sat on the jury of the murder trial. Available at
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:William_Burke.jpg.
The featured photo above is the Kilcolumb grave yard taken in 2019 by Louise Walsh.
Please send any additional information or corrections to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
A Glenmore Version of the Ballad of Carrickshock [updated]
As outlined in our last post, concerning the tithe tax and tithe war of the 1830’s, a ballad was penned and sung in Glenmore concerning Carrickshock. On the 25th of February 1970, Danny Dowling recorded the Ballad of Carrickshock as told to him by Nicholas Forristal (1888-1979), of the Mill, Griaguenakill, Glenmore. In 1970, Nicky Forristal was 82 years of age and the subject of the ballot had occurred almost 140 years previously. Nicky’s father, Patrick Forristal (1849-1931) was born 18 years after Carrickshock and died on the Carrickshock centenary in 1931. Thus, Carrickshock took place during the lifetime of Nicky Forristal’s grandfather. Thanks to Danny’s work 50 years ago we have a version of the Ballad of Carrickshock that was sung in Glenmore.
According to an online exhibit in the National Archives entitled “Singing Sedition: Ballads and Verse in the Age of O’Connell” ballads are particularly important as a reflection of the interests and opinions of ordinary people of nineteenth century Ireland.
“Arising out of unofficial channels ballad sheets express the opinion and sentiment of the ordinary people of nineteenth century Ireland, often revealing their private attitudes to the great questions of society, politics and religion. As a medium of communication from an otherwise unrepresented class, such verses and songs provide a critical counterbalance to the views of the landed elite. … Certain types of ballads may not be readily accessible to the modern reader, since they can contain cryptic references to local persons or events.”
“Singing Sedition: Ballads and Verse in the Age of O’Connell” is available at https://www.nationalarchives.ie/article/singing-sedition-ballads-verse-age-oconnell.
Within the exhibit is a copy of a ballad entitled “The Downfall of the Tithes,” this ballad makes reference to Carrickshock, and is available at https://www.nationalarchives.ie/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/CSORP_OR_1832_2928_0001.jpg .
Below is a transcription of the Carrickshock Ballad recorded by Danny in 1970.
Ballad of Carrickshock (Sang in Glenmore)
Those valiant sons of the Irish Nation, Where is the country that can boast of more? Through extensive Europe they gained rank and stature, And for their loyalty great credit bore. May Britain boast of their fame and glory, Auld Scotsman too, King William’s name, But Irish valour won’t lie from story, While lives a bard to record their fame. T’was a December on a Wednesday morning, Strange rumours circled our country round, And it was confirmed by chief ??? Warning to force the tithes or our cattle pound. Our chapel bells they were kept sounding, The people hearing in great number clocked, Our ??? and ditches with all speed bounding, To meet the peelers in Carrickshock. They hired Bert Butler to serve citations, To force the peasant from home or tithes, To feed the gluttons of the reformation, Whom honest Catholics always deride. The first to start was courageous Power, He beat(?) Butler with manly skill, Saying rally boys for the very hour, Well pay no tithes but those traitors kill. And chief Gibbins saw that his dog lay sprawl, And to his forces did loudly call, Saying prime and load boys it is appalling, And he shot brave Power with a pistol ball. And then commences the bloody slaughter, For 15 minutes we had but fun, With pikes and scythes we gave them no quarter, We stood our ranks without fife or drum. But 26 and their chief commander, Was left them lifeless without a groan, And not to conquer like Alexander, We left 3 survivors to bring them home. Sergeant Wylie that orange traitor, That day he ran with great force and speed, Tis well he knew if he was overtaken, His body like the rest would be left to bleed. If you were to see them of the after ??? Like pigs or ??? they were drown, Along to standing ??? in Reid’s barn. In Kilmaganny they all did say, May providence crown you Tracy and Whelan, Who fell Tithe victim upon that day, They stood the brunt without courage failing, And fought courageously in that bloody fray. Now my song is ending and all is over, Come fill your Bumfords and drink brown ale, And where you’ll meet them in rapture, Greet them the jovial champions of Ballyhale.
Gary Owen, “The Carrickshock Incident, 1831: Social Memory and Irish Cause Célebre,” 1(1) Culture and Social History (2004) pp 36-64 available at http://www.traceyclann.com/files/carrickshock.pdf
The National Archives also has the correspondence of the Chief Secretary’s Office concerning the “Carrickshock murders” including costs of burials of constables, doctor bills for the treatment of injured constables, the efforts to arrest, and the efforts of two Catholic clergy in raising funds to hire Daniel O’Connell to defend those accused of murder etc. [CSO/PR/OR/1831/1328 et seq]
Update 2 Feb. 2021–while going through the Munster Express newspaper of 27 Dec. 1946 the following poem or ballad concerning Carrickshock was discovered. It appears to have been penned in the 1930’s.
Update: 24 Dec. 2022–
Munster Express (Sat. 11 Nov. 1922, p. 6)–Death of Mr. James Treacy, Ballymagill—it is with much regret we have to record the death of M. James Treacy, who passed away on Friday, 3rd inst. The deceased was one of the famous Carrickshock Treacy’s. The interment took place at Kilcurl. We tender our sympathy to his relatives in their bereavement.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh