19th Century
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Glenmore’s Secret Society of Whitefeet [Updated]
Secret agrarian societies in Ireland date back to the 1760’s when the Whiteboy movement started in Tipperary. Whiteboys were a form of rural vigilantism to fight against tithes or the enclosing of common land. Sometimes they were referred to as Levellers because they levelled fences or ditches enclosing land. (James S. Donnelly (1977-1978) “The Whiteboy Movement, 1761-5.” Irish Historical Studies, p. 21). Between 1760 and the Famine in 1845 there were outbreaks of rural violence in Ireland. Other groups developed including: the Threshers, Carders, Rockites, and Whitefeet. The most common agrarian crime committed by these groups was the anonymous notice or threatening letter (S.R. Gibbons, (1982) Rockites and Whitefeet: Irish Peasant Secret Societies, 1800-1845 (University of Southhampton, Doctoral Thesis)).
Threatening Letters
S. R. Gibbons examined 500 threatening letters and concluded that these groups were concerned with five primary issues.
The first issue concerned land, especially conacre, the availability of tenancies, rents and wages. Conacre was the letting of a small piece of land for the growing of a specific crop. Usually, the crop was potatoes. No relationship developed between the landlord, middleman or grower under conacre.
The second issue concerned efforts to regulate local employment and necessities. Thus, threatening letters were used to maintain employment, to procure the dismissal of “stranger labourers”, to regulate the prices of basic commodities and to prevent the export of food from the immediate locality.
The third issue the secret societies sought to control were the tithe valuations and the elimination of proctors. The tithes were taxes imposed for the support of the Church of Ireland. Eventually, the secret societies sought to abolish the tithe.
The fourth issue concerned the condemnation of Protestants and Orangemen.
The fifth issue the secret societies sought to influence in their threatening letters and notices concerned legal and political issues, including distraint, the police and the obtaining of arms. (Gibbons (1982) Rockites and Whitefeet: Irish Peasant Secret Societies, 1800-1845). Distraint was the legal mechanism where a landlord could have the personal property of his tenant seized for the payment of rent arrears. Animals or crops were often seized and then sold.
Growth and Membership of the Secret Societies
The growth of such societies was fuelled by the end of the Napoleonic Wars when the price of crops plummeted and grazing became more lucrative than tillage. In order to survive many Irish men resisted by joining secret societies and violence often followed. It has been opined that membership of the secret agrarian societies depended on whether disturbances took place during the period of prosperity when the landless revolted or during depressions when substantial farmers joined (James S. Connelly, Jr., (1983) “The Social Composition of Agrarian Rebellions in the Early 19th Century Ireland: The Case of the Carders and Caravats, 1813-1816” in Radical, Rebels & Establishments (Corish ed.) 151-170 Maynooth: Appletree. p. 154-155). Thus, at various times different classes joined the secret societies.
Glenmore Whitefeet Letters & Notices
Below are copies of threatening letters or posters that were placed in or around Glenmore primarily in the 1830’s.
The oldest reference to a secret society operating in Glenmore, then referred to as Glanmore, was published in June 1777. “On the 9th ult. After sunset, upwards of 300 of those lawless miscreants, called White Boys, assembled on the High Road, leading from Ross to Waterford, in Ireland, near the lands of Glanmore, and, without the least provocation, beat and wounded in a cruel and barbarous manner, Mr. W. Innes, of Rathpatrick, in the County of Kilkenny. In consequence of which, the principal neighbouring gentlemen have offered a spirited reward, for apprehending, and prosecuting to conviction, the persons concerned therein” (Northampton Mercury, Mon. 16 June 1777, p. 3).
In December 1831 the Tithe War resulted in the killing of 14 police at the townland of Carrickshock in Co. Kilkenny. [For further details regarding the Tithe, see Stephen McCormack (2005) “The Tithe War: Reports by Church of Ireland Clergy to Dublin Castle,” 4(13) History of Ireland. See our post of 20 Sept. 2020 regarding Glenmore and the Tithe Tax.]
Within a month of Carrickshock notices regarding Whitefeet threats made in or around Glenmore began to appear and were reported widely in newspapers.
1832
The Waterford Mail (Sat. 3 Nov. 1832, p. 3) published copies of two notices posted on the chapel doors of Glanmore.
“Take notice, Mr. Strange of Elwardstown (sic) not sell or bestow the value of one penny to the Police of Glanmore or else if you do, quit this land—Written by the Gentlemen regulators of Ireland. I hope you all will take notice by this, let no person take down this notice.”
“Take notice any person or persons that will sell or bestow to the value of one penny to the Police of Glanmore, or else if you do ye will be condemned to ashes both yourself and your property it is written by the grate (sic) and worthy regulators of Ireland.”
Laurence Strange, Esq., of Aylwardstown, held a lease from the Earl of Bessborough. The 1833 Griffith’s Valuation provides that Strange farmed 63 acres and was landlord to 252 acres. Thus, Laurence Strange was the landlord of the townland although he was not the owner of the land.
[Updated 8 Oct. 2025] In October 1832, “the house of Patrick Fitzgerald, of Weatherstown, near Rosbercon, was attacked on Wednesday night by an armed party of Whitefeet, who broke in his door and robbed him of a gun. They fired several shots into the house” [Dublin Evening Packet & Correspondent, Sat. 13 Oct. 1832, p. 3].
Patrick Fitzgerald of Weatherstown continued to be attacked. The following month, “on Sat. night a cow, the property of Patrick Fitzgerald, of Weatherstown, near Ross, was hanged in consequence, it is supposed, of his taking land about 18 months back (Wexford Conservative, Sat. 17 Nov. 1832, p. 1). Other newspapers stated that the cow was haughed.
“The houses of Laurence Sullivan, of Ballybrahy, and Martin Holden, of Annis, in the above neighbourhood, were visited by parties of Whitefeet on Saturday night who robbed them of fire arms. They fired several shots but did no injury to any of the inmates” (Wexford Conservative, Sat. 17 Nov. 1832, p. 1).
1833
The Chutes Western Herald (Thurs. 7 Feb. 1833, p. 3) published citing “From the Kilkenny Moderator of Saturday—Six armed men entered the house of Patrick Fitzgerald, of Aywardstown in the Barony of Ida, on the night of Sunday last, and threatened him with instant death if he attempted to prosecute James Cleary at the ensuing assizes. Cleary compelled him some time since to pay £5 5s., for which he gave a docket of protection, which he told Fitzgerald would save him from any future attack from the Whitefeet.”
In the 1833 Griffith’s Valuation Pat Fitzgerald, of Aylwardstown, farmed 12 acres. Given the extortion and threats of violence it was surprising to find the following article in the Morning Advertser (Thurs. 14 February 1833, p. 1) where the priests induced the Glenmore parishioners to surrender their arms.
“Surrender of arms by the Peasantry—you will be gratified to learn that the deluded people in the county of Kilkenny are at length delivering up their arms. In the parish of Glanmore in that county, no less than 20 stand of arms have been given up to the Catholic clergy within the last few days. One of those clergymen communicated the fact to J. Esmond, Esq, a Magistrate of the county of Kilkenny, requesting that he should take charge of the arms. Mr. Esmond readily acquiesced, and had them forwarded to Waterford, where they were lodged by his direction on Friday.”
At the beginning of March 1833 the Leinster Express (Sat. 2 March 1833, p. 4) published several notices or threats posted across the region including:
“A Whitefoot Notice was lately posted up in the neighbourhood of Glanmore, ordering the people of the County of Waterford to desist from working at the farm of Glinn of Shambough. If they attempted to go there again the notice stated that they would be shot.”
Later that month, Glenmore was propelled into the news with the murder of a Catholic landlord of Shanbogh, Anthony Joseph Leonard, Esq., on the hill of Glenmore by three of his tenants. See our previous post of 9 Feb. 2020.
The Chutes Western Herald (Mon. 7 Oct. 1833, p. 4) referenced the Kilkenny Moderator as its source for the following threats with multiple men named and threatened.
“The following is the copy of an illegal notice posted on the chapel of Mullinaharrible, in the parish of Listerlin and barony of Ida, on Sunday last: “All such land jobbers as gave up the ground and began to till it again will be sorry; it happen them more than Marum or Joyce. We neither hough cattle or burn houses, to destroy the country as we did before. No sheet iron inside the doors will not prevent us, but we will go and drop them on the spot. Phelan, Philip Malone, Trasey, Forestal, and Kerewan, so prepare, the long nights are coming. Let the parish see we are neither afraid of informers or pointers. Such as will visit you will have no informers or pointers. There is a great deal that we did not mention that will suffer as well as the rest.”
On the night of the 10th of October, “the dairies of Patrick Fitzgerald, James Malone, and Thomas Keeffe, all of Weatherstown, in the Barony of Ida, were feloniously broken open by some evil disposed persons in search of plunder. A quantity of butter in firkins was taken out of Fitzgerald’s dairy, but nothing was found in either of the others worth removing (Kilkenny Moderator, Wed. 16 Oct. 1833, p. 3). Unusually the break-ins and theft were not associated by the newspaper with the local Whitefeet although Patrick Fitzgerald, of Weatherstown, was targeted several times by the Whitefeet.
1834
The Waterford Mirror (13 Jan. 1834) published in its column on Whitefeet activity in Co. Kilkenny the following: “All gates of Bawnjames, a farm belonging to Mr. Magrath of Rosbercon, in the Barony of Ida, was maliciously broken and destroyed on the night of Sunday last.”
Toward the end of the month, the Kilkenny Moderator (Sat. 25 January 1834, p. 2) reported: “A few nights since the windows of Michael Rigby’s dwelling house at Ballyvera, in the parish of Glanmore were maliciously broken and a stone flung into his bedroom. Rigby says he is not aware of having done anything to cause this attack on his house.”
Seven years later Michael Rigby (c. 1791-1841) was murdered by one of his Ballyveria neighbours as the men were walking to attend Stations in the Glenmore Chapel. The murder was committed over two fields. See, our post of 18 July 2021 regarding the murder.
The following notice was published in the Belfast Commercial Chronicle (Sat. 29 March 1834, p. 4). “From the Kilkenny Moderator—on Sunday night last a Rockite Notice was posted upon the chapel of Glanmore, barony of Ida, threatening death to any person who would dare, after that notice, to take possession of the land Graignakilla (sic) in the above neighbourhood.
Describing the conditions in Kilkenny and Cork as approaching a Civil War, Bell’s Life in London and Sporting Chronicle (Sun. 23 Nov. 1834, p. 1) published the following article that highlighted Patrick Kennedy of Robinstown, Glenmore.
“The police of the County of Kilkenny have, ever since the unfortunate affair of Carrickshaugh (sic) been marked objects of antipathy to the peasanty, who have never hesitated to manifest their feeling (whenever a safe opportunity occurred) in insult, or even personal outrage. But of late a more systematic proceeding has been observed in the warfare carried on by the peasantry again the unpopular police force. Although the police were feared in the open field, they were not treated with the least appearance of respect by the multitude with whom they come into contact at fairs, markets, races etc.“
“In the Barony of Glanmore the spirit of defiance is progressing in a very marked manner, and the police now think it prudent not to interfere in what are very properly termed its ‘Whiskey fights’ wherein their interposition has generally had the effect of adding fuel to fire. About two months ago it was observed that there was a disinclination to provide the constabulary with country provisions, and instead of any thing like a competition for the supply of the canteen in the neighburhood, there was, on the contrary, a marked ill will towards any who undertook such contracts.”
“One of these, Mr. Patrick Kennedy residing at Robinstown, in the barony of Ida, who was hardy enough to undertake to supply the Glanmore police with milk, found a threatening Whitefoot notice nailed on his door, warning him of the consequence if he persevered in this “disloyal” contract. He did persevere, confiding in the protection of the police; nearly two months elapsed, and he thought himself forgotten by the midnight legislators, but on Monday night last he was reminded of their existence by finding a valuable colt houghed in his stable.”
“In Cork the peasantry have refused to work for landlords who have made themselves ‘marked men’ The Cork papers relate the case of one of these proprietors who for some time past found it impossible to hire labourers.” When it was time to dig potatoes near Dunamanway the landlord was told to dig the potatoes himself or get Orange Protestants to do it for him. A group in Dumanway, “including some respectable shop keepers, arrived and in a few hours of work dug and picked up the potatoes. The group attempted to engage some Catholic labourers to assist, but as soon as the Catholic labourers learned where they were to work, they refused notwithstanding the fact that they were offered double wages for the day. As the Orange group started home they were ‘hissed and hooted…’”
1835
Notwithstanding the efforts of the Glenmore priests in 1833 parishioners continued to have arms. The following article appeared in the Carlow Sentinel (Sat. 23 May 1835, p. 1).
“Six persons were convicted at the Petty Sessions of Rosbercon, on Saturday last, before Colonel Osborne, R.M. and Mr. Keogh, the sitting Magistrates, for having unregistered arms in their possession. The Police found in their houses, in the neighbourhood of Listerlin and of Glanmore—6 guns, 1 pistol, 1 blunderbuss barrel, 1 sword cane, 1 pike, besides 6 powder horns, some bullets and slugs.”
Glenmore Oral Tradition of Whitefeet
Thanks to Danny Dowling (1927-2021) we know the identify of two of the leaders of the local Whitefeet as well as where they met. Danny interviewed Nicky “the Miller” Forristal (1888-1979) in 1955. Nicky identified the leaders of the Whitefeet in the Glenmore area as Captains Starlight and Lusty.
Nicky related that Captain Starlight was a Malone and the family bore the nickname of Spur. They lived in a small cabin which was situated under the road leading to Forristalstown from the Mill Cross Road at a point alongside the path which Tom Walsh used as a shortcut to Forristalstown.
Captain Lusty was a Purcell and lived in a small house in Forristalstown on the bounds of Ballyverneen. Billy Tománsín of Killivory, Glenmore was a descendent of his.
Before their nightly escapades they used drink with their men in a shebeen in Ballygurrum which was kept by one Billy Walsh nicknamed Billy Buíde. According to Nicholas Forristal the Billy Buíde was a grandfather to the present Henry Doolan’s wife of Shanbough.
The following rhymes were written about the two Whitefeet Captains.
Here’s a health to Billy Buíde
And may he long reign.
We’ll call for spring water,
And he’ll bring us brown ale,
To strengthen our bones and
Put speed in our feet,
To make us well able to whale the police.
Are you in bed Captain Lusty?
And he answered us no.
Are you in bed Captain Starlight,
And he answered also.
Billy Buíde’s house at Ballygurrim cross was later occupied by Dick Cahill.
Interview of Wattie Power (c. 1888-1961) of Jamestown, Glenmore
Also in 1955 Danny Dowling interviewed his Jamestown neighbour Wattie Power and recorded the following regarding the Glenmore Whitefeet.
“The following is verse in connection with the Whitefeet which body was active in this area in the first half of the last century, and also in part of the previous century. Four verses is all Wattie could remember.”
“The Whitefeet and Blackfeet were crossing a bog,
As tired and as weary as any mad dog.
Says one to the other if we were at home,
T’would be the best of our play to leave the Whitefeet alone.
Long life to Pol Cahill and long may she reign,
When we called for spring water, she brought us down cream.
To put strength in our body and speed in our feet,
And make us well able to chase the police.”
See our post of 23 Sept 2020 for the Glenmore Version of the Ballad of Carrickshock.
The featured drawing is from sheet music, The Irish Peasant (Ireland 1800-1870) © Trustees Indiana University http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/lilly/starr/LL-SSM-2-136-0014. The drawing of the midnight raiders was drawn by an artist for The Graphic (Sat. 14 Jan. 1882, p. 8) (c) Illustrated London News Group, Courtesy of British Library Board. The owners of the goats related that they evicted a tenant and later their goats were slaughtered in the middle of the night.
Please send any corrections or further information to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
A Glenmore History Share
We are always happy to find and share local historical posts. Andrew Doherty, of Waterford Harbour Tides and Tales, posted this morning “The Gladiator Mystery” concerning the appearance of a ship in New Ross harbour in 1898. The rumours the arrival of the ship generated 125 years ago were preserved in a New Ross Standard article. Glenmore even gets a mention. Click here for the link.
Glenmore and the United Irish League’s Rosbercon Rally 1908
The land question was the political issue that dominated Glenmore and other rural areas of Ireland from before the Great Famine until shortly before the Easter Uprising in 1916. As an oversimplification, under British rule land in Ireland was owned by English landlords and the Irish people working the land were impoverished and faced the constant threat of eviction. After the famine, there was less of a need for Irish farmers and farm labourers because farming moved from tillage to grazing. This led to more clearances and evictions. Between 1851 and 1911 arable land in Ireland halved from 1.8 million hectares to 0.9 million. Live cattle exports to Britain increased from 200,000 animals in the 1840’s to 400,000 animals in the 1860’s. In the 1890’s this increased to 800,000 animals (Kevin Whelan (1997) “The Modern Landscape from Plantation to Present” in Atlas of the Irish Rural Landscape, p. 67).
Reforms
There were some efforts to reform land laws such as the establishment of the Encumbered Estates Court in 1848. The landlords most heavily in debt were weeded out and more enterprising landlords replaced them. In the 1860’s other land legislation followed, but tenancy continued to be based on contract and not on tenure. The insecurity of tenure, and the actions of the new landlords caused political and social unrest which helped give birth to the Fenian movement. The Land Act (1870) is cited as the first real effort to deal with the grievances of the Irish tenant. However, the Act was inadequate particularly after the bad harvests starting in 1877. (C.F. Bastable (1903) “The Irish Land Purchase Act of 1903,” The 18(1) Quarterly Journal of Economics (Nov. 1903) p. 3-4). During bad harvests even reasonable rents were often difficult to pay.
The Land League
In October 1879 Michael Davitt, the son of an evicted farmer founded the Land League. Charles Stewart Parnell, leader of the Irish Home Rule Party, presided over the League and linked the land reform movement with his home rule political party. Glenmore formed a Branch of the Land League in 1880. The Irish Land Committee in November 1880 published a document entitled, The Land Question, Ireland: Confiscation or Contract? It was apparent that change was going to happen. The only question was whether the Government would force the landlords to sell their lands.
Fierce agitation by the Land League led to Gladstone’s Land Act of 1881 which accepted the three F’s: (1) Fixity of tenure; (2) Fair rent; and (3) the right of Free sale of the tenant of his interest. In essence the 1881 Act fixed rents. The fixing of rents did not stop evictions. For example, in August 1885 people from across the area rushed to Ballyfacey, Glenmore and successfully stopped the eviction of several families. (See our post of 14 June 2020 for further details regarding the Ballyfacey evictions). Notwithstanding the shortcomings of the 1881 Act it was viewed as a victory for the Land League.
United Irish League
The momentum gained by the Land League was lost in 1891 when Parnell became embroiled in a public scandal because of his long association with a married woman. The Glenmore Branch of the Land League split as did the national group. Parnell died later that year. (For further information on the splitting of the Glenmore Branch of the Land League see our post of 27 March 2020 and our post 29 March 2020).
In 1898 the United Irish League was established by William O’Brien with the help of Michael Davitt and others. The League was comprised primarily of the divided Parnell and anti-Parnellite factions. By 1903 the main political parties in Britain were in agreement that Irish tenants should be allowed to purchase their holdings. However, the question remained whether the transfer of land would be voluntary or whether it would be compulsory on the landlords.
The Land Act (1903), also known as the Wyndham Act, was the long awaited land purchase Act. However, not everyone agreed with the provisions of the Act and the United Irish League did not remain united. In 1908 the land question raised its head locally when there were calls for dividing the “grass ranch” of the Boyd estate. (For an interesting article on the 1903 Act, see, Patrick John Cosgrove (2008) The Wyndham Act, 1903; The Final Solution to the Irish Land Question? (PhD Thesis, National University of Ireland, Maynooth).
The Boyd Estate
On the 9th of August 1908, the clergy and people of Glenmore travelled to Rosbercon to attend a “monster” demonstration. The purpose of the demonstration was to agitate for the division of the Boyd estate. The Shanbogh landlord Thomas Boyd died in 1904.
Thomas Boyd (1818-1904) of Chilcomb House, Rosbercon, in addition to being the landlord of Shanbogh, was also the Crown Solicitor for Tipperary. He also owned land in Tipperary. Thomas bought Shanbogh around 1870. His land was described as running from his residence in Rosbercon for two miles to the river. A decade after he purchased Shanbogh, Thomas, his two sons and nephew were ambushed. His son Charles died from his injuries. Although several local people were arrested for the murder of Charles Boyd (c. 1859-1880) no one was convicted. (For further information on the ambush see our post of 7 Nov. 2021).
Thomas survived both of his sons and left his estate to his grandson Thomas Crawford Boyd (1886-1967). Thomas Crawford Boyd was the son of John Thomas Evans Boyd (1855-1900) and his wife Emily Martha Crawford (1863-1934). Thomas Crawford Boyd was in the British army in 1908.
The 1908 Meeting of the United Irish League at Rosbercon
The New Ross Standard (Fri. 14 August 1908, p. 13) covered the meeting and started its coverage with “Just across the river from New Ross, at a little distance above the village of Rosbercon, on a well known South Kilkenny Gaelic battle ground, on Sunday afternoon an exceptionally well attended, enthusiastic and determined public demonstration was held, under the auspices of the United Irish League. The object of the demonstration was the breaking up the ranch land of the Boyd estate.” It was also mentioned that a special train from Waterford brought a contingent of about 200 including the Barrack Street Brass and Reed Band. The Kilkenny People (Sat. 15 Aug.1908, p. 3) also carried similar coverage of the meeting.
Glenmore Clergy & Evicted Tenants
The meeting was “largely attended by farmers, labourers and artisans.” A long list of the men on the platform was provided in local news accounts. There were clergymen such as the Very Rev. Canon Holohan, P.P., Rosbercon; Glenmore’s Very Rev. Thomas Phelan, P.P.; and Glenmore’s Curate, Rev. Martin Crotty. Politicians from all over the South East of Ireland were also well represented on the platform. Evicted Tenants made up the remainder of the persons on the platform. The newspapers linked the parishes of Glenmore and Sliverue when listing the evicted tenants on the platform. The evicted tenants included: James Forrestal (Rosbercon); R. Egan (Tullogher, restored); P. Cody (Tullogher); Ed Harte (Listerlin); Frank Ryan (Glenmore & Slieverue), Daniel and John Doolan (Glenmore & Slieverue); P. Doherty (Glenmore & Slieverue) and R. Grace (Glenmore & Slieverue).
Canon Holohan’s Speech
The Very Rev. Canon Holohan, P.P., Rosbercon, chaired the meeting. Below is an extract of his speech.
“Fellow countrymen, and men and women of Kilkenny, Carlow, Wexford, and Waterford—I am delighted to see you assembled here today in such vast numbers. Your presence here today gives me an assurance that your breasts are filled with the same feelings of patriotism and bravery which animated the breasts of your forefathers who fought at the battle of New Ross (applause)—that you are still filled with the same enthusiasm that characterised meetings of twenty-five or thirty years ago (applause).”
“You are also prepared to support an agitation today on the same lines as you formerly did when the Land League was started by Michael Davitt (applause).” At this point a man called out, “And the great Parnell.” Fr. Holohan carried on with his speech. He outlined that the gathered men would be asked to adopt a number of resolutions concerning the question of Home Rule. He stated that “without which Ireland can never exist or be happy, prosperous or contented (cheers). This resolution concerning Home Rule occupies the first place. The question of the evicted holds a prominent place in the programme of today, and in like manner the distribution of untenanted lands amongst the sons and representatives of the evicted tenants and amongst the landless of the district (applause)…”
“We all deplore the evils of emigration, but we all know and feel there is no place in the world for Irishmen like their native land. Nowhere do they feel as happy and contented as at home amongst their own friends. They may go to foreign lands and pick up some gold, but they are never happy out of Ireland (applause)…”
Canon Holohan went on to state that his old friend, Mr. Meagher, the Member of Parliament for North Kilkenny, had secured in north Kilkenny possession of seven or eight ranches of untenanted land for distribution. ..”I had the pleasure of meeting him 28 years ago in the days of the Land League, when we stood shoulder to shoulder on many a platform, when the prospect was not so bright as it is today, when the people with the priests agitated. They persevered and keep pegging away, and they have obtained many redresses of their grievances. They have obtained a reduction of rent, the land purchase Clauses, the various Land Bills for the last 30 years. They have obtained the Town Tenants Acts and the Labourers Acts. Those are the various Bills obtained and improvements made through the agitation of the Irish Parliamentary Party. We can get something from time to time. We cannot get all that we are entitled to, but by agitating we will get something from time to time.”
“Many tell us that Home Rule is almost within sight. If we had it, it would embrace everything, and it is not sops and straws we would be getting. Let us keep agitating and by the assistance of the Irish Parliamentary Party and a good strong agitation we are assured that Home Rule is in sight (applause). We have the sympathy of all Nationalists, not only in England, Scotland, Australia and America, but wherever the Irish race is spread all over the world. Englishmen who come over here to govern us after a little experience of the country find that nothing can be done without Home Rule. We are all Home Rulers…”
The Sought Resolutions
[1] That we, the Nationalists of South Kilkenny, Carlow, Wexford, and Waterford, reiterate the National demand for a native Parliament sitting in College Green, with full powers to make laws for the government of the Irish nation.
[2] We earnestly call upon the Government to hasten the reinstatement of the evicted tenants and to supply the necessary funds for this purpose.
[3] We demand the distribution of the untenanted lands of South Kilkenny among the evicted tenants, the wounded soldier of the land war, or their representative, and among the adjoining small farmers and landless people, to enable them to live in the land of their birth and to prevent their emigration.
[4] We strongly protest again the rejection of the large number of labourers’ cottages, especially on the large areas.
Speech of Michael Meagher, MP for North Kilkenny
The political speech delivered by Michael Meagher had several interesting facts presented. According to Meagher people were leaving Ireland at the rate of 44,000 a year, while there were 68,000 acres of gazing land to be broken up. He noted that forty years previously the lands were cleared of human beings and “handed over to bullocks.” Through the Estates Commission “ranches” in the north of the county were being split up. He gave the example of the Scully ranch where 39 families comprised of 357 human beings were evicted—not for non-payment of rent but to turn the land to grazing. This land was in 1908 being made available for supported purchase by evicted tenants, small farmers and the landless.
Rev. Thomas Phelan of Glenmore
Fr. Thomas Phelan (Glenmore) declared the vote of thanks to Canon Holohan and recited:
Ill fares the land
To hastening ills a prey,
Where bullocks thrive
And men decay.
Canon Holohan (Rosbercon) concluded the meeting with
“We’ll have the land that bore us,
The land shall be our chorus,
We’ll have it yet, tho’ tis hard to get,
With the green flag flying o’er us.”
It is interesting the simplistic approach taken that splitting up large “ranch” holdings would stop emigration without any discussion of birth rates or available alternative employment. Unless the people purchasing the untenanted land provided for each of their children by dividing their land the project would not stop emigration. However, dividing the purchased holding would result in the pre-Famine subsistence farming on smaller and smaller holdings and also would not stop emigration after a generation or two.
See our post of 14 June 2020 regarding creative boycotting in the late 19th century.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
The Killing in 1822 of Catherine Hanrahan of Rochestown, Glenmore
Due to a typographical error, 1822 was placed in a newspaper search engine rather than 1922. However, from this simple mistake sprang an apparently long forgotten story concerning a young pregnant mother, named Catherine Hanrahan, of Rochestown, Glenmore, who was shot and killed by a one-armed Waterford bailiff in July 1822.
Catherine Hanrahan née Power (c. 1798-1822)
From the newspaper accounts of her killing we know that Catherine was the daughter of Thomas Power and her husband was Thomas Hanrahan. We were able to find a marriage record for Catherine Power and Thomas Hanrahan. Thomas Hanrahan and Catherine Power of Rochestown married 14 February 1820 at Slieverue. The witnesses to the wedding were: William Hanrahan, Thomas Hanrahan and James Cashin. The following year the couple had their first child, Judith Hanrahan. Judith was baptised 12 April 1821 at Rochestown. Her godparents were Luke Power and Nelly Foristal (sic). It does not appear that Luke Power was a brother of Catherine because the newspapers in reporting on her killing noted her parents and younger sisters mourning her death. One newspaper recorded Catherine being aged 23 at the time of her death and another gave her age as 24. The only Catherine Power we found in the Slieverue records for the years 1797-1799 was Catherine Power, of Boherbee, baptized 25 May 1797 to Thomas Power and Mary Welsh. Glenmore did not become a separate parish until 1844, so the earliest parish records are in Slieverue.
1822
The year 1822 was a year when food was not plentiful in Ireland and famine visited the west of the country. This was also the year that the Royal Irish Constabulary was established by Sir Robert Peel (1788-1850). Catherine was shot on Monday, 1st July 1822 and lingered in agony until her death Sunday, 7th July 1822. The Waterford Chronicle (Thurs. 11 July 1822, p. 3) stated that a report was circulating in Waterford City for a couple of days “…that a poor woman had been fired at and severely wounded, near Rochestown, by a man from this City, named Marks, employed to watch some property distrained. We forbore to notice the rumour at the time, having been unable to trace it to any authentic source; but we have since learned the melancholy fact, that the unfortunate woman died of the wound on Sunday. As the circumstances will of course undergo a judicial investigation, we refrain from saying more at present.” The Waterford Mirror (reprinted in the Carlow Morning Post, Mon. 15 July 1822, p. 3) noted that it had twice reported on the “unhappy occurrence” at “Rochestown, Barony of Ida, County Kilkenny, a place not under proclamation.”
“Not under proclamation” was a phrase used to describe the area as law abiding. Sir Robert Peel (1788-1850) was the chief secretary of Ireland from 1812 to 1818 and the driving force behind “An Act …to provide for the better execution of the laws in Ireland, by appointing Superintending Magistrates and additional constables in Counties in certain cases…[that] are in a State of Disturbance (54, George III, c. 131, 25 July 1814). Generally, if it was declared by a public Proclamation that an area was in a state of disturbance additional police and magistrates were put in place to quickly quell disturbances. Due to Sir Robert Peel’s establishment of professional police groups police were often referred to as “peelers” and “bobbies.” These terms are still used today.
The most detailed account of Catherine’s killing was found in the Leinster Journal (Sat. 13 July 1822, p. 2).
COUNTY POLICE—On the morning of the 1st instant, six or seven bailiffs were sent to Rochestown, in this county, to distrain of Thomas Power, for rent due to Pierce Edward Forrestall (sic), Esq. They arrived at the village long before sun-rise, and appear to have endeavoured to seize the pigs. Power’s daughter, Catherine, a good young woman, aged 23, wife of Thomas Hanrahan, who was gone to the bog, having heard the noise, got up, and seeing no person in the bawn, went to drive back the pigs to rest, when one of the bailiffs, a ruffian of the name of Thomas Marks, a pensioner, who has only one hand and has an iron hook fixed on the stump of the other, jumped from a loose stone wall, and hooked her by the throat with that substitution for a hand. She screamed which roused her mother, sisters, and a neighbour. Having disengaged herself from the miscreant’s iron hook, she fled towards the house, on which this ruthless barbarian placed his foot on an elevated stone in the yard, rested his pistol on his knee, took deliberate aim at the poor woman, and fired. She received the ball to the region of the kidney and fell to the ground. Surgical aid was soon procured, but in vain. The ball could not be extracted, and she lingered in excruciating agony until Sunday morning last, when she died in the arms of her heart broken mother, and in the presence of her afflicted father, husband, four younger sisters, uncles, aunts, other relatives, and of her own babe which is only 14 months old. The hapless victim of the fiend was in a state of pregnancy. John Snow, Esq. on hearing of the affair, attended to take her information, but she was in too great tertiary to give the necessary details. On Monday last, that Gentleman and Samuel Warring, Esq., held an inquest on the body, when a verdict of wilful murder was returned against Marks. The ruffian was publicly and most unaccountable at large in Waterford until the woman died, and he was seen last Monday in Clonmel. Happily for ourselves, perhaps we have no space left for commentary. Never in our recollection did so many police murders and outrages occur in the same space of time as during the last three months, but happily the population of the county have been guilty of neither, and notwithstanding the provocation we have recorded above, the inhabitants of Rochestown, always distinguished for their good conduct, offered no insult to the wretches who had brought mourning late their peaceful village.
It is assumed that Thomas Hanrahan and his father-in-law Thomas Power had left the house earlier to travel to a bog to cut peat. From the newspaper account it appears that only Catherine, her mother, and four younger sisters were at home when Catherine was shot by a one-armed pensioner employed as a bailiff.
A little over a month after Catherine Hanrahan died, her killer Thomas Marks was tried on Saturday the 12th of August 1822 in the Kilkenny Assizes for her murder. Unfortunately, there is some confusion among the newspaper accounts as to the outcome of the murder trial. It was reported in one newspaper that he was found guilty of murder (Saunder’s News-Letter, Tues. 20 Aug. 1822, p. 3). Several newspapers reported that Thomas Marks was found guilty of the manslaughter of Catharine Hanrahan and sentenced to six months imprisonment (e.g. Freeman’s Journal, Thurs. 15 Aug. 1822, p. 4; Dublin Weekly Register, Sat. 17 Aug. 1822, p. 3). The Leinster Journal (Sat. 17 Aug. 1822, p. 2) provided further detail regarding the punishment. A verdict of manslaughter was returned and the sentence was “to be burned in the hand and confined six months.”
Unfortunately, no newspaper appears to have covered the murder trial itself, so we do not know why Thomas Marks was convicted of manslaughter rather than murder. In the 19th century “malice aforethought” or pre-meditation had to be proven, or was it the case that the jury was swayed by the killer’s disability, age, or occupation? The burning of the killer’s hand raises an interesting point. During the Middle Ages clergy were immune to the civil law and could claim “Benefit of Clergy.” Later “Benefit of Clergy” became a procedural device where laymen could mitigate the harshness of the common law which provided that murders were hanged. To make certain that a layman was not able to claim the benefit more than once his thumb would be burned to mark him. Benefit of Clergy was greatly curtailed when transportation to a colony became a sentencing option and eventually it ended in the early 19th century. It is doubtful that the killer Thomas Marks sought the Benefit of Clergy. It seems more likely that the Judge believed that the jury had exercised mercy and wanted the killer marked to keep him from enjoying further mercy if he killed again.
In attempting to find more information on the killer we came across another man named Thomas Marks sentenced in 1821 to six months imprisonment with hard labour. This sentence of six months with hard labour puts the sentence of six months for killing a pregnant woman, running away from her killer, into perspective. The other Thomas Marks was convicted of stealing “four ducks, four hens and a cock, the property of Mr. Robert Macaulay of Crumlin” (Belfast Commercial Chronicle, Sat. 22 Sept. 1821, p. 4).
Killing No Murder
Perhaps the best clue as to explanation as to why Thomas Marks was convicted of manslaughter may be found on other pages of the Leinster Journal. In addition to the statements made in the article provided above entitled “County Police,”– that in his recollection there were never as many police killings and police outrages as in the previous three months of May, June and July 1822–the editor of the Leinster Journal wrote several other articles concerning the police killings in County Kilkenny. One entitled “Killing No Murder” (Wed. 7 Aug. 1922, p. 2) states,
A correspondent promises to send queries and observation for the consideration of the Grand Jury or Judges of the Assizes, relative to the apparent indifference of the functionaries of Government in the case of an aimable girl, Mary Delaney, who was killed on the spot by the rash and unwarrantable firing of the police on the people assembled at Bawn fair. He also bespeaks our indulgence for a few remarks on the employment of Ralph Deacon as a Peeler at this place where he so recently killed James Aylward, by shooting him through the body, having previously declared, according to the testimony of three witnesses, that he would do something of the kind. He [correspondent] thinks if the services of this man cannot be dispensed with in Ireland, he might be employed in more advantage at a distance from the justly irritated friends and relatives of the deceased.
Lastly, although Griffith’s Tithe Applotment books (1829) records the names of tenants of townlands was performed in 1829 neither Thomas Power nor Thomas Hanrahan are found listed in Rochestown or adjacent townlands.
If anyone has any further information or corrections, please send to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Special thanks to Bernie Ryan of the Local Studies unit of the Kilkenny Library for her aid and patience as I pursued this very cold case through old newspapers not yet digitalised.
The featured photo of the two pistols is a cigarette card and is courtesy of the New York City Library. George Arents Collection, The New York Public Library. “Pistols.” New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed November 6, 2022. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/5e66b3e8-c668-d471-e040-e00a180654d7
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
John L. Conn (1812-1893) of Mount Ida, Rochestown, Glenmore [Updated]
Bigamist John Lamley Conn (1812-1893)
Martin Forristal, of Ballinlammy, Glenmore wrote an excellent article entitled “Mount Ida” which may be found on our guest authors’ page by clicking here. In tracing the history of Mount Ida, Martin revealed that John L. Conn (1812-1893) of Mount Ida was a bigamist keeping his lawful wife in Glenmore and his mistress and children in Dublin.
While searching for other information we came across two articles involving John L. Conn. The first is from May 1859 and involves the attempted burglary of Mount Ida. The second article is from May 1883 and involves a criminal case brought against a Glenmore man named Patrick Walsh for intimidation. Both newspaper accounts provide an interesting glimpse into the state of criminal justice in Glenmore in the mid to late 19th century.
Attempted Burglary of Mount Ida, Glenmore
On Wednesday the 4th of May 1859 men attempted to burgle Mount Ida. The following account was found in the Waterford Mail (Tues. 10 May 1859).
Burglarious Attempt—We regret to hear that on Tuesday night, or rather Wednesday morning last, between the hours of 12 and one o’clock, a party of burglars attacked Mount Ida House, the residence of John L. Conn, Esq., situate at Rochestown, barony of Ida and county of Kilkenny. They forced the shutters of a window in the east wing of the building, and were in the act of breaking open a door, with an iron bar and a wooden bar acting as levers under it, when the noise was heard of one of the maid servants who slept in the apartment over it, and who ran up and called her master. Mr. Conn, with more courage than prudence, sallied out armed with a gun, but the scoundrels heard the opening of the lock and ran off, leaving their implements behind, and the night being very dark, Mr. Conn did not get a shot at them, they were, however, disappointed of their booty.
We are astonished to hear that there is no magistrate in the district, which contains at least 30 square miles, and that the nearest police station is several miles off, and we have no hesitation in saying that the government authorities incur a deep responsibility if this exceptional state of things be not at once rectified. We hear the constable of the nearest police station made an examination of the place the following evening.
This article indicates that in 1859 there was no police barracks in Glenmore Village.
Glenmore Intimitation Case
Nearly 25 years later, a former tenant of John L. Conn was charged and convicted of intimidation concerning the letting of his former 40 acre farm. The account of the trial appeared in the Waterford Standard (Sat. 19 May 1883, p. 3). Patrick Walsh in May 1883 was in the employment of Mr. Cody and was charged with intimidation under the provisions of the Prevention of Crimes Act.
It was alleged that on 3 May 1883 at Rathinure without legal authority, the defendant used intimidation toward Michael Roche, when he advised him through his cousin to abstain from doing what he had a legal right to do—namely, to become tenant of a certain farm on the estate of John Lamley Conn, of Mount Ida. A special petty sessions court was held at Kilmacow on 17 May before Mr. Bodkin R.M. (Resident Magistrate) and H. Thynne, R.M. Mr. Hartford, the Kilkenny Crown Solicitor, prosecuted, and the defendant had no legal representation.
The defendant, Patrick Walsh, and his brother John Walsh, had been in possession of a farm which was the property of John Lamley Conn. Their uncle had the farm before they took possession. They fell into arrears on the rent, but went to John Conn and came to an agreement that in consideration for a sum of money, they agreed to give up the land and not attempt to redeem it. At the time of the trial the farm had been idle for three years.
On the 5th of February 1883, Michael Roche sent a proposal to John Conn that he would rent the farm for £1 per acre. On 3 May 1883 about ten o’clock in the evening the police were on patrol at Glenmore. The police observed the defendant with his brother John Walsh and in the company of James Costello.
The police overheard the defendant speak to John Roche, a cousin of Michael Roche. It was alleged that in a lane of Rathinure, Patrick Walsh said, “That is my land; I had the land before Conn had it. What do I care about Conn, even if he has two bobbies [police] mind him—I will pull the trigger, for I will swing for any person who takes that land.” [At this time murder was a hanging offence. The defendant’s alleged use of the phrase “I will swing” was a threat to kill anyone who took the land.]
Witness 1: John Lamley Conn
The first witness called was John Lamley Conn who was summoned to appear. It appears from the newspaper account that he would not have attended except that he received a summons. Conn testified that he lived at Mount Ida and had some land in Rochestown. He owned the lands in Rochestown for about 40 years. He acquired them by purchase in the Court of Chancery.
Conn stated that he knew the defendant and his brother John Walsh, and the farm that they once occupied was about 40 acres. They fell in arrears and were given every facility to redeem the farm. They came to Conn and asked for money as good will. Conn gave them money in exchange for them voluntarily leaving the farm. Conn testified that he had not seen the defendant since he left the farm voluntarily.
Witness 2: Constable Williiam Broderick
The second witness was Constable William Broderick who testified that he and Sub-Constable Patrick Donohue were patrolling on 3 May 1883. While in Rathinure in a lane off the public road he heard Patrick Walsh say, “That is my land. I had that land before; what do I care if Conn has two bobbies minding him. What do I care about Conn?”
Constable Broderick then testified that he believed the defendant said, he would “pull his finger if any man would take the land.” He testified that the sub-constable said that he heard the defendant say that he would “pull the trigger.” He testified that the defendant said, “advise him, advise him—you know him; for I will swing for any man who takes that land.”
The constables jumped over the ditch into the lane and from John Roche obtained the names and addresses of all the men present. The defendant walked past the constables. When the constables caught up to the defendant the defendant was asked about the language he used concerning Conn. The defendant replied that “they would be all good friends yet.”
The defendant asked Constable Broderick concerning his character and the Constable responded that he only knew the defendant about 8 months, he knew nothing against the defendant and had heard nothing against him. Magistrate Thynne asked if the defendant was “worse of drink that night.” Constable Broderick replied that the defendant had drink taken, and he had been coming from the public house, but he could have been justified in summoning him for drunkenness.
Witness 3: Sub-Constable Donohoe
Sub-constable Donohoe was called and sworn and stated that he did not want to correct the information provided by Constable Broderick. At this point the Magistrates wanted Mr. Hartford to examine Mr. Roche. Mr. Hartford refused and Magistrate Bodkin said that they would examine the man themselves. Mr. Hartford replied, “If you do, you must do it on your own responsibility—I am here on behalf of the Crown.” The defendant then called John Roche, but did not ask him any questions. The Magistrates began to ask Roche questions who merely testified that the defendant told him to tell his cousin, Michael Roche, not to take the land.
At this point from the newspaper account the magistrates appear to have lost patience with the defendant. He had a list of witnesses, but then stated he had no questions for them. The defendant was asked, “Who is John Fitzgerald?” The defendant replied, “He is the man I worked with for the last two years; he is the only man I worked with since I left the farm.”
Mr. Cody then testified, “This man is now in my employment, and I never heard anything against him.” When asked if the defendant drank much, Cody replied that he did not. However, when he did drink “he does not be very steady.” The Magistrates then began to quiz Cody on whether he wanted the land in question. Cody replied that he did not; he had enough land of his own.
The Magistrates
Prior to 1898 defendants could not testify on their own behalf. In this case the Magistrates asked the defendant if he had every been convicted. Thus, while not considered competent to testify concerning what occurred the defendant was considered competent to incriminate himself. The defendant responded, “It was for being drunk; drink is my failing; I was convicted of being drunk 11 years ago.”
Magistrate Bodkin: “You are accused of a very serious offence, which has been very clearly proved against you. The constable says you were not so drunk as not to know what you were about. However, he has taken upon himself to give you a good character so long as he has known you. That has had an influence on our mind, and, therefore, we will let you off with two months’ imprisonment at hard labour.”
Some of our readers might recall that Magistrate Bodkin was present at the Ballyfacey Eviction Riots of August 1885 and was told by Fr. Neary that his wife would be going to bed a widow if he persisted. For our article concerning the Ballyfacey Evictions click here.
Unfortunately, without first names or townlands it is difficult to determine who was the employer, Mr. Cody. Even with first names it is difficult to identify the persons in the newspaper account of the intimidation trial with common names like Walsh and Roche and without townlands or ages. If anyone can provide further information concerning any of these local men please post below or email glenmore.history@gmail.com.
[Update: Ann FItzgerald was able to identify the two Walsh brothers. John Walsh (1835) and Patrick Walsh (1837) were born in Rathpatrick, Slieverue to Nicholas Walsh and Judith Magrath. We were able to locate baptismal records for other children including: Jeremiah Walsh (1833); James Walsh (1840); William Walsh (1843) and Anne Walsh (1847). Patrick Walsh (1837) never married. John Walsh (1835) married Margaret Fitzgerald, of Aylwardstown, on 16 Feb. 1870. Margaret was the daughter of Richard FItzgerald. Two of John & Margaret’s sons emigrated to New York and married two Hanrahan sisters from Glenmore Village.]
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
From Danny’s Files: The 1837 Killing of Michael Phelan of Rochestown, Mullinavat
In Danny Dowling’s files an article was found which was copied from the Waterford Mail (Sat. 15 June 1839, p. 2). It provides that Laurence Foley, who brutally murdered his landlord, Pat. Phelan, of Rochestown, County Kilkenny in October 1837 evaded arrest for two years. Foley was arrested in County Tipperary and identified by the mother of the deceased. According to the Ballyshannon Herald (Fri. 21 June 1839, p. 3) Foley was arrested by Chief Constable Roney and Head Constable Mason. This is an interesting pre-Famine case because no motive was revealed for the killing although the newspapers at the time drew attention to the fact that the victim was a landlord of the defendant Foley. However, it appears that the victim had a modest holding.
Unfortunately, the Waterford Mail published the wrong name of the man killed, and from the information presented it was not clear which Rochestown in Kilkenny was the home of the victim. The victim was identified as Patt Phelan, Michael Phelan and sometimes Whelan in the newspapers. Knowing that trial accounts often are the more reliable of newspaper information we located reference to the trial of Laurence Foley in the Freeman’s Journal (Wed. 24 July 1839, p. 1). Baron Foster arrived from Clonmel for the Kilkenny Assizes the previous day and opened the Kilkenny Commission in the County Court at 10 a.m. Baron Foster addressed the Grand Jury and stated that he was happy to be able to congratulate them on the state of the court calendar. There were sixteen defendants for trial. He said that it was gratifying to find that agrarian outrages had ceased in County Kilkenny. However, he regretted that of the few cases to be heard there were four homicides. The totality of the report on the Laurence Foley case in this particular newspaper was that he was indicted for the manslaughter of Michael Whelan (sic) and found guilty.
Luckily, the Kilkenny Moderator (Sat. 27 July 1839, p. 20) provided details concerning the case that arose with the slaying of Michael Phelan (sic) near Mullinavat on the 3rd of October 1837. From this article and a review of Griffith’s Valuation we were able to determine that the victim lived in Rochestown, Mullinavat rather than Rochestown, Glenmore. The article provided the names of the jurors that heard the case: Richard Lalor, John Power, Edward Hunt, Edward S. Delaney, John Brenan, Anthony Nugent, James Butler, Emmanuel Fitzpatrick, Nicholas Cahill, Robert Walshe, Daniel Lalor, and Daniel Phelan.
The first witness to give evidence was John Phelan, a brother of the victim. John Phelan testified that the defendant, Laurence Foley, struck his brother Michael two years previously at Moonvoor, near Mullinavat. He had seen the defendant at the Mullinavat fair that day, and the defendant walked part of the way home with John and his brother, the victim. The brothers stopped at Patt Browne’s house on their way home to enquire about shoes that Browne was making for the victim. Soon after they went into Browne’s house the defendant Foley came to the door with a stone in his hand. Browne saw the defendant and as Browne went to push him out of the house the defendant dropped the stone. He then “caught up” a spade. With the help of the brothers, Browne pushed the defendant out of his house. The brothers then pushed the defendant outside the yard and “desired him to go home.” They turned to go back into Browne’s house and the defendant took up a stone and threw it at the victim, Michael Phelan, who was knocked down. John Phelan turned and saw defendant at the yard wall after throwing the stone. He heard one blow. The stone hit his brother in the back of the head. John immediately collared the defendant and tripped him up. When his brother did not rise he called out “murder.” He let go of the defendant and ran to his brother, but his brother could not stand. The victim lived till the following day. He did not see anyone other than the defendant near his brother when his brother was struck.
John Phelan testified that the defendant had taken “a sup” that night, and had been in the Police barracks that evening before he struck the victim. There had been no previous quarrel and he could not say why the defendant struck his brother. After striking the victim the defendant ran away, and the defendant left the place where he had been living. John Phelan admitted that he struck the defendant when he had him collared.
To questioning by the Judge, John Phelan stated that the defendant was not very drunk that night as he was well able to walk and talk when he came to the door with the stone in his hand. John Phelan could not say whether the defendant said anything. Prior to the attack the three men walked about a quarter of a mile together. The defendant called Browne a Whitefoot. John Phelan stated that Browne was a cousin of the Phelan brothers. He admitted they were all in dread of the defendant Foley because he was a bad character. The defendant was their tenant for some ground.
Patrick Browne then testified that he was working in his shop on the evening when the Phelan brothers came in to look for a pair of shoes. They were with him a few minutes when he heard shouting on the street. The defendant came and called the boys out to fight. Browne wanted to keep the defendant out, but the defendant managed to enter his door. Browne wanted the defendant to go home. While Browne was pushing the defendant out of the door a stone dropped from his hand. The defendant then seized a spade, but they shoved him out. The defendant then said to Browne, “You have my two landlords with you—to the devil with them—I’ll have my revenge.” He heard the cry of “murder” soon after, but when he heard it a second time he ran out and saw Michael Phelan nearly dead. He did not see the defendant then or later in the neighbourhood after that occurrence, nor since until the present assizes.
Doctor A. Cuilinan proved the nature of the wound which, he said, caused the death of the deceased. The Judge shortly “recapitulated the evidence” and the Jury, in a few moments returned a verdict of Guilty of Manslaughter. Foley was sentenced to transportation for 7 years.
The Kilmainham Prison Register provides that Laurence Foley, prisoner number 2405, was sentenced to 7 years for manslaughter by Baron Foster on 20 July 1839 at Kilkenny. The New South Wales, Australia, Convict Indents, 1788-1842 reveals that Laurence Foley, of Kilkenny, arrived in Australia on 8 October 1839 aboard the Nautilus although this appears to be too quick a sailing time even if the ship left immediately following the trial. Perhaps the 8 October 1839 date reflects the date the ship sailed from Ireland? The records reveal that Foley was 30 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches tall and had hazel eyes, brown hair and a fresh complexion.
Three Rochestown townlands were located in Kilkenny. In the Griffith’s Valuation: Tithe Applotment Books there were no Phelan/Whelan in Rochestown, civil parish of Kilcolumb, Glenmore. Likewise, there were no Phelan/Whelan in Roachestown, civil parish of Rathkieran of Mooncoin (1833). Rochestown in the civil parish of Ballylarkin in 1827 had a Thomas Whelan who held 14 acres. It appears that Ballylarkin was originally in the Catholic Parish of Kilmacow but was transferred to Mullinavat Parish in the early 1840’s about the time Glenmore became a parish distinct from Slieverue.
In searching for Michael and John Phelan, utilizing the possibility that Thomas was their father, we located a John Phelan baptised on 16 June 1811 in Templeorum the son of Thomas Phelan and Catherine Crowly with an address of Kilonerry. Michael Phelan was baptized on 26 December 1807. Unfortunately, we cannot be certain that this is the correct family, and we were unable to locate a baptismal record for Laurence Foley.
Please send any additional information or corrections to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
The featured sketch above is from the New York Public Library, Digital Collection, The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Picture CollectionShelf locator: PC IMM. “London : printed and published at the Office, 198 Strand, in the Parish of St. Clement Danes, in the county of Middlesex, by William Little, 198, Strand, aforesaid. Saturday, June 19, 1852.”Source note: Illustrated London news. (London : Illustrated London News and Sketch Ltd., 1842-).
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh