Whether you are climbing your family tree or interested in social history, local place names or folklore we welcome you to Glenmore-History.com and hope that you enjoy your visit.
L A T E S T P O S T S
From Danny’s Files: Rev. Fr. John Fitzpatrick (c. 1758-1835) P.P. of Slieverue-Glenmore
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The Tragic Death of John Millea (1870-1935) of Treanaree, Slieverue
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Family Tree Workshop 2026 Photos & Forms
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More Glenmore Photos: From the Eamon Jones Collection
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Family Tree Workshop & Upcoming Lecture
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From Glenmore to Ontario, Canada: Maurice Denn (1825-1873)
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From Danny’s Files: The 1985 Interview of Dinny Murphy (1901-1986) of Milltown, Glenmore
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Marking Founder’s Birthday: Tracing Your Family Tree Workshop
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Kate Raftice née Gahan (1854-1925) of Rochestown, Glenmore
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South Kilkenny Historical Society 2026
One Hundred Years Ago: August 1921
As July 1921 ended it was noted that July was one of the sunniest months the area had experienced for 80 years, and rain only fell on five days in July amounting to only one-fifth of an inch for the total rainfall for the month (Munster Express, Sat. 6 Aug. 1921, p. 4). The weather broke and by the 6th of August it was reported that the Barrow had overflowed its banks and hundreds of acres of meadows were under water in the Monstrevan district (Munster Express, Sat. 6 Aug. 1921, p. 6). The extreme weather also resulted in mushrooms. On the 2nd and 3rd of August “buckets of mushrooms were brought into New Ross and sold at prices that were remunerative to the pickers,” (New Ross Standard, Fri. 5 Aug. 1921, p. 8). At the beginning of August, Patrick Fitzgerald, of Weatherstown, Glenmore suffered a fire in a big shed containing about 50 tons of hay. The fire was observed by neighbours around 10 o’clock. It was reported that Patrick Fitzgerald was not at home, and when the neighbours rushed to the fire they could not save the large rick. “The big hay barn was also very much damaged. Cars and machines in a house were also destroyed. The flames reached a house where a fat bull and a cow were tethered. The bull succeeded in freeing himself from the tether and escaping with a burned face; but the cow not being able to free herself was burned to death. It is not yet known what the amount of the damage is, but it is considerable. It is believed it was insured” (New Ross Standard, Fri. 5 Aug. 1921, p. 4).
The Truce
The truce of the 11th of July continued to hold. The local newspapers reported on some of the damage from the war. An engineer from the Kilkenny County Council inspected the burned Ferry Mountgarret bridge, outside New Ross. There were rumours that a light bridge would be erected until a new bridge could be built. It was reported that “[s]ome years ago the Kilkenny and Wexford County Councils passed a certain sum for the building of a new bridge” about a hundred yards above the old bridge (New Ross Standard, 5 Aug. 1921, p. 8).
Most of the local roads and bridges were trenched and “considerable inconvenience was caused.” By mid-August it was reported that while many were filled since the truce was called, in County Wexford many trenches remained open. “Perhaps it would be well in the public interest if they were filled” (New Ross Standard, 12 Aug. 1921, p. 4).
Commandant Tom Barry, I.R.A., chief officer for Munster, Wexford and Kilkenny reported 12 further complaints of breaches of the truce by the Crown. One complaint concerned 16 men held in Waterford whose terms of sentence expired, and they were removed to Spike Island on August 1. It was also reported that Crown troops had not returned property including parts of motors in some districts causing considerable loss of trade and the mail was only being delivered every other day in Piltown (Munster Express, Sat. 6 Aug. 1921, p. 6).
Complaints that would previously not pass censorship began to appear in local newspapers. For example, it was reported in the Waterford Gaol that political prisoners, both tried and untried, went on a hunger strike as a protest against the quality and quantity of food supplied in the prison (Waterford News and Star, Fri. 5 August 1921, p. 13). Complaints were printed regarding the higher postal rates “and in some respects the service is less efficient than in war time. The abolition of the Sunday delivery…caused loss and inconvenience to almost all sections of the community both here and in Britain” (Munster Express, Sat. 27 Aug. 1921, p. 4).
Before the end of August articles began to appear that prisoners were being released. In New Ross Republican flags were flown from The Tholsel, the ’98 Monument, the Town Hall, St. Thomas’s Club, the workhouse, and in the Irishtown on Sunday the 21st. It was believed that the flags were put up in celebration of the release of the Dáil Éireann members who had been in prison (New Ross Standard, 23 Aug. 1921, p. 5). One of the members of Dáil Éireann released from Mountjoy Prison, was Commandant Seán MacEoin, over the objections of Dublin Castle. Commandant MacEoin issued the following statement upon his release, “Following the statement I made at my court martial, it is now clear to the Irish people that my release by the English Government is an admission on their part that I am not only a Representative of the People, but a realisation that the English recognise me as an officer of the Irish army, as stated by one at the court martial, when I made it clear that I was not guilty of the foul offence of murder. My release is an acceptance of my attitude that my act was an act of war, and it is, therefore, clear that my release is a final abandonment of any claim by the enemy that the Irish war is murder. The Irish war was war—war waged in accordance with the prevailing conditions. I am released as a representative of the people to attend a meeting of the Parliament of my nation. I should not have been chosen as a representative of the people. That situation makes it clear that all my fellow soldiers in jails and camps must be similarly recognised” (Waterford News and Star, Fri. 12 Aug. 1921, p. 14).
It was also reported that John Cotterell, of Dobbyn’s Mill, Thomastown, was released from Wormword Scrubbs after serving 12 months. He had been convicted by court martial of having a document in his possession relating to attacks on police barracks. Prior to his arrest he was employed as a shop assistant in Graiguenamanagh (New Ross Standard, Fri. 19 Aug. 1921, p. 8). Nicholas O’Toole, of Hacketstown, Co. Carlow was released from Rath Camp early in August after six months’ imprisonment. The newspaper went on to state that his sister, Miss Mary O’Toole, Attorney and Counsellor-at-Law had been nominated judge of the Washington Municipal Court in the U.S. and was the first “lady lawyer” to receive such a distinction (Kilkenny People, Sat. 13 Aug. 1921, p. 7).
Perhaps the most unusual reference to imprisonment during the War of Independent was an advertisement placed in local newspapers in August 1921 by the Phelan Brothers, of George’s Street Waterford.
“Historic After-Season Event: Dress Buyer in Jail—Owing to our dress buyer, Mr. Pierce Purcell being arrested and placed in jail a short time ago, just as he had returned from Markets after having made huge purchases of dress materials and costume goods at sensationally low prices, we were deprived of one of our best and most efficient buyers consequently a large portion of his purchases remain unsold. As the season is drawing to a close, and these goods must be paid for, we have decided to clear our entire stock of seasonable dress material and costume goods this week…Phelan Bros, Waterford’s Cheapest and Fastest Growing Drapery, Tailoring and Boot Shop, George’s Street, Waterford” (Munster Express, Sat. 13 Aug. 1921, p. 5).
The New Order
August also marked the beginning of the I.R.A. openly dealing with local crime. For example, it was reported that Ferrybank inhabitants were subjected to petty burglaries and larcenies. “The matter was placed in the hand of the local I.R.A.” and on 22 August two young men were arrested who were believed to have been connected to the thefts (Munster Express, Sat. 27 Aug. 1921, p. 6). It was also reported that in several districts in South Wexford notices, purporting to be from the I.R.A. were posted in pubs, to restrict the hours during which drink could be supplied to bona-fide travellers on Sundays. Many of the notices were removed by the police (Kilkenny People, Sat. 6 Aug. 1921, p. 6).
Resumption of Fairs and Sporting Events
On the first of August the Waterford monthly fair was held and it was reported that it was small as there was a depression in trade due to the effect of the drought on live stock. “Three-year-olds in good condition commanded prices varying from £30 to £36; two-year-olds from £20 to £25; and yearlings from £10 to £16. There were practically no supplies of sheep” (Waterford News and Star, Fri. 5 Aug. 1921, p. 13).
The following week it was reported that the New Ross Fair was a very changed scene. “The first pig fair since the imposition of the military restrictions, which were further intensified by the Departmental embargo contingent on the outbreak of foot and mouth disease, took place in New Ross on Monday [the 7th]. There was a large supply of pigs and a great attendance of buyers from Waterford, and the town generally presented an animated appearance, which was absent for the past three months, when it was suggestive of a deserted village. On Tuesday the first cattle fair since the restrictions were removed took place” (Waterford News and Star, Fri. 12 Aug. 1921, p. 2).
In addition to fairs and markets re-opening, the first Sunday excursion train from Clonmel to Waterford for Tramore since 1917 was run on 31st of July (Munster Express, Sat. 6 Aug. 1921, p. 6). It was announced in the Waterford News that on the 14th an excursion train would run from Waterford, through Glenmore to New Ross for the inter-county hurling match between Wexford and Kilkenny. It had been approximately five years since there had been a Sunday excursion on this line. “It is unnecessary to point out that owing to the trials that the country has gone through and the many restrictions, including the imposition of Martial Law that no hurling or football inter-county games have been held either in Kilkenny or Wexford for a considerable time…” The fare from Waterford on the excursion train was set at 2s. 6d. return” (Waterford News and Star, Fri. 12 Aug. 1921, p. 5).
It was reported that upwards of 5,000 spectators attended the semi-final Leinster Hurling (1920) Championship match between Kilkenny and Wexford held on the 14th in New Ross. In addition to the excursion train from Waterford special trains were provided from Wexford, Enniscorthy and Kilkenny via Waterford (New Ross Standard, Fri. 19 Aug. 1921, p. 7). It was reported that 600 people crossed on the ferry boat near the burned bridge at the Ferry Mountgarrett. They came from the Kilkenny side as far up as Inistioge (New Ross Standard, Fri. 26 Aug. 1921, p. 8). It was reported that the gate receipts amounted to £161 17s. (New Ross Standard, Fri, 19 Aug. 1921, p. 8). There were no Glenmore men identified on the Kilkenny hurling team, however the team did have three Mooncoin players; L. Cantwell, J. Grant and J. Foskin. Kilkenny won that day with a final score of 5 goals, 1 point to Wexford 1 goal, 2 points (New Ross Standard, Fri. 19 Aug. 1921, p. 7). Immediately after the match the result was “despatched to Kilkenny by pigeons” brought to the match in baskets (New Ross Standard, Fri. 19 Aug. 1921, p. 5).
August 1921 began and ended with renewed hope that the truce would hold and life was returning to normal. Although the truce would hold within ten months the country would be plunged into Civil War.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Glenmore in 19th Century Newspapers
Below are ten short articles from a range of newspapers across the 19th century featuring Glenmore people or events. Interestingly some newspapers until 1900 spelled Glenmore as Glanmore, and the language employed by the newspapers is often quaint.
The first article deals with the two inevitabilities of life, death and taxes. The article was found in the Dublin Morning Register (Sat. 8 March 1828, p. 3), but was originally published in the Waterford Chronical.
“Tithes—Horrible Barbarity—Attend reader to the following appalling fact—“A poor man, named Pat. Bryan, lives in Haggard, mountains of Glanmore (sic), having a poor hovel he built himself on half an acre of ground; the land about him is let for 10s. per acre; he has been ill for a long time, supported by the charities of the parish, having four children and a poor wife. A day or two ago, he was called on for the tithes—there were Rectorial Tithes, Corporation Tithes, and Vicarial Tithes. Having nothing to pay them, the Collectors took from him the only blanket he had. But it would be well if it ended here—hear the sequel—the zealous parish priest of Slieverue, the Rev. J. Fitzpatrick, and his Coadjutor, the Rev. Mr. Foras, were collecting, yesterday, a subscription to purchase a coffin and shroud—for what? To bury the corpse of the man who died on the night of the day that he was stripped of his blanket!!! Waterford Chronicle.”
[2] The next article concerns a tragic death in Glenmore Village at Christmastime in 1831 found in the Freeman’s Journal (Sat. 1 Jan. 1831, p. 3)
“MELANCHOLY ACCIDENT—A most melancholy accident happened at Glanmore (sic), Kilkenny, in the night of the 23d instant. A poor blind man, upwards of 90 years of age, having taken his lodgings for the night, at a man’s house (of the name of Aylward), and going out after the family had gone to bed, he missed his way, and in attempting to return, groped by the police barrack, turned in by Gaffney’s house, and fell into the tail race of a tuck-mill, and was found in the morning frozen to death. There was no water. He was heard by many of the villagers, and in the police barracks too, crying out for assistance. Some of the people did go out after some time, but the cries ceasing, they returned without affording relief. Waterford Chronicle.”
[3] Seventy years before the Glenmore Creamery opened, the theft of butter in Glenmore was reported in the Kilkenny Moderator (Wed. 18 Sept. 1833, p. 2).
“On Wednesday night some evil disposed persons removed part of the thatch from a dairy belonging to Philip Aylward, of Ballinclar, in the parish of Glenmore, and robbed it of a quantity of butter.”
[4] A hunting accident reported in the Waterford Chronicle during the Famine was republished around the country. Here is what was found in the Kerry Examiner (Tues. 3 March 1846, p. 3).
“On Wednesday evening, as a fine young man named John Whelan, from Glanmore (sic), county Kilkenny, was passing over a ditch, in his own neighbourhood, a loaded gun, which he was carrying, accidently struck against some briers, went off, and lodged the contents in his heart. He expired, we learn, shortly afterwards. Waterford Chronicle.”
[5] The Irish Times (Mon. 6 Aug. 1860, p. 3) reported on a lark that preferred the Glenmore Barracks to the Rosbercon Barracks…
“A Fact for Ornithologists. —A circumstance worthy of the attention of ornithologists has been communicated to us by a trustworthy correspondent. Head-constable Harkins, of the Rosbercon Constabulary, recently was made a present of a lark by a policeman of the Glanmore (sic) station, who had kept the bird in a cage in his room. The head-constable some days after bringing the lark home, opened the cage to allow it to fly about the room, when to his great disappointment it contrived to escape through a broken window. He expected never to see the bird again, but to his no small astonishment he learned next day that it had flown directly to Glanmore (sic), a distance of five miles, and sought refuge again in the cage of its old master, where it has since remained.— Kilkenny Moderator”
[6] Prior to the Land League very few evictions were reported in local newspapers. However, the Kilkenny Journal, and Leinster Commercial & Literary Advertiser (Wed. 5 April 1865, p. 2) printed the following sentence in 1865.
“Eviction. A widow named Mullins and her ten children were evicted last Friday from her farm at Flemingstown, Glenmore, for non-payment rent, by her landlord, C. Milward, London—an absentee.”
[7] Glenmore apparently had a wholesale beer house in 1872 which is interesting as it was about this time that the parish priest prevailed upon the three publicans in the Village to shut their businesses. Glenmore remained a dry parish until the 1960’s. The following article appeared in the Kilkenny Moderator (Wed. 7 Feb. 1872, p. 3).
“Constable Power, of Glanmore (sic), prosecuted Henry Martin,, for having persons drinking in his wholesale beer house at Ballinalammy. The defendant admitted to the court that he did sell a quart of beer to a man named Donovan. Ordered to pay a fine of 5s with 2s 6d costs.”
According to the death register, Henry Martin (c. 1813-1885) of Ballinlammy, died on the 11th of July 1885, at the age of 72. He was a fowl dealer and widower. His daughter Kate Martin was present when he died.
[8] As a rural district Glenmore was occasionally used by city dwellers to engage in illegal activities. The following article appeared in the Waterford Standard (Wed 5 June 1878, p. 2) and makes a point of stating that all people and the dogs were from Waterford.
“A DOG FIGHT INTERRUPTED—Considerable excitement was manifested in Waterford yesterday when it became known that a dog fight had been attempted during the very early hours of the morning. It has transpired that the fight was arranged between two dogs, and that it was to take place at Lucy’s Rock, near Glenmore. At a little before daylight no less than twenty-six cars, fully laden, started from Waterford for the venue of the disgraceful event; and on arriving at the spot, the two dogs had a most sanguinary fight which had lasted for thirty-five minutes when the police interfered. We trust that the police will not allow the ringleaders in such inhumane and brutal scenes to go unpunished. All the parties, dogs included, were from Waterford; and we are informed a considerable amount of money changed hands on the event.”
[9] The newspapers are full of details regarding the local petty sessions. It is interesting to see what was considered crimes in the 19th century. The following article is full of Glenmore defendants and appeared in the Waterford Standard (Wed. 12 May 1880, p. 2). The article concludes with an ironic statement that the remainder of the business conducted by the court wasn’t important.
“Rosbercon Petty Sessions—Saturday—James Kelly, Graigunakill, summoned John Hanrahan for trespass, and he was fined 1s 6d and costs. Constable John McManus, Glenmore summoned Patrick Ennett, Cappagh, for allowing an ass to wander on the public road, fined 6d and costs. Edward Murphy, Robinstown, was fined 6d and costs for a like offence. Constables McManus summoned John Hanrahan, James Cody, John Costelloe, John Fitzgerald and Philip Mackey, Weatherstown, for having unregistered dogs in their possession. Fined 1s each and ordered to take out licenses. Sub-constable Denis Cronin, Glanmore (sic), summoned Thomas Freney, Kilbride, for a like offence. Like rule. Sub-constable John Mayer, New Ross, summoned five lads for bowling on the public road. He could only identify two, who were fined 10s or 14 days’ imprisonment, the other two being discharged with a caution…The remainder of the business was unimportant.”
[10] The last article provides a glimpse of the difficulties associated with bidding for a public contract 131 years ago. It is doubtful that the public contracts of that era led to any overruns. The article appeared in the Wexford People (Wed 21 May 1890).
“THE LIMESTONE CONTRACT. In accordance with an advertisement for ten boatloads of limestones, Mr. Daniel Cody, Carrigcloney, County Kilkenny, tendered at 39s per boatload. The Commissioners did not consider this satisfactory, and on the suggestion of the Chairman, it was ordered that Mr. Cody be written to on the subject, drawing his attention to the fact that the last contract he sent the stones at 36s per load.”
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
The Sentencing & Execution of Patrick Donovan
Today, for our third and final blog concerning the murder of Michael Rigby in Kilbride, Glenmore in 1841 we are going to highlight the extraordinary exchange between the judge and the convicted Patrick Donovan as reported in the Kilkenny Moderator (Wed. 11 Aug. 1841, p. 3). The lecture by the judge, Baron Pennyfather, provides an insight into the religious convictions of the time as well as his thoughts concerning the evidence. The contempory newspaper account of the execution is provided as well as additional information regarding the victim, the defendant, some of the witnesses etc., and the land. We conclude with a short summary of Baron Pennyfather’s most famous case with Daniel O’Connell which illustrates his integrity as a trial judge.
The Sentencing
The morning following the jury returning a verdict of guilt, Patrick Donovan was returned to the court for sentencing. The clerk of the crown (Mr. Curtin) asked Patrick Donovan if he had anything to say why a sentence of death and execution should not be carried into effect according to law.
Patrick Donovan—”If I am hung tomorrow, I will come to the judge and declare to him the truth; I will rise from the ground and speak to the judge and jury, and them that I am not guilty of the murder. I am as clear as the morning dew of it; and I said the same thing to Father Gannon today.”
Baron Pennefather—”Patrick Donovan, you have made a declaration which every one who has heard your trial and attended to the evidence must be satisfied is untrue. You have declared, and may persist in declaring your innocence in this world. If you be innocent (and quite the reverse appears) that innocence will be known to the Great Judge of the World. He must know and does know the inmost secrets of the heart, which are concealed from human eyes; and if you be innocent…” According to the newspaper Donovan interjected, “Yes, I am.”
Baron Pennefather—”If you be innocent, He in another world will view you and consider you as such; but I should ill discharge my duty to you or to the public, if I were to suffer your declaration of innocence to affect the course of the law of this country. You have been convicted upon evidence which removed every doubt from the minds of the respectable jury before whom you were tried—they maturely considered the evidence, and if they had a doubt would have given you the benefit of it, according to my direction. I told them that your life depended upon the verdict of guilty, if not satisfied beyond a doubt of your criminality. They heard me patiently, and after three hours given to the consideration of the evidence, came to the conclusion that you were guilty of the act of depriving a human being of his life who never offended you—who never raised an arm against you. You sent him, without a moment’s notice—without a moment for preparation—to meet his God, and deprived him of his life by breaking his head to pieces with a heavy implement. Was not the case fully brought home to you? Was it not fully established by evidence which could not be controverted? Independently of the unhappy man [Walsh] who witnessed the deed, and who had no motive for coming forward to accuse you, but perhaps he was not altogether innocent of the murder, having been in your company not only before but after you perpetuated the deed—independently of his testimony, was it not proved by evidence which could not be questioned, that no other person could have committed the murder: No other man had enmity against the deceased, and the unfortunate man’s life [Rigby] was spared by the interposition of providence so long as to enable him to declare to his son that you were his murderer. God Almighty spared his life until he should be an instrument in bringing his assassin to justice. Can you after such evidence—can you after the man upon the verge of eternity, and about to meet his God had declared you guilty, can you persist in asserting your innocence? No man who heard the evidence can believe you. I beseech you then, as you regard the welfare of your soul, as you regard your eternal mises of happiness, because it is not too late even for you to hope for forgiveness through the mortis of our Saviour, I beseech you not to persevere in the assertion of that which is untrue, and ask to add to the guilt you have already perpetrated the denial of your offence before that God who cannot be deceived. No remission can take place in your sentence. What persecution did you receive from the unfortunate deceased? After your landlord thought fit to dispossess you from a farm for non-payment of rent and broken covenants, Rigby took those four acres, for which you deprived him of his life.
Amazingly at this point Donovan corrected the judge indicating that it was—Two acres of land.
Baron Pennefather—That is not now of importance, except so far that it shows you had less excitement to operate on your mind.
Prisoner—Don’t take heed of any backbiting.
Baron Pennefather—I have heard nothing of you but on this trial, and nothing but the evidence on which you were found guilty.
Prisoner—I was found guilty in the wrong.
Baron Pennefather—I would not do my duty if I did not warn you to prepare for your death, and it is not in my power in any manner to avert it. The learned judge then put on the black cap, and sentenced the prisoner to be hanged on Saturday, the 28th of August, and his body to be buried within the precincts of the goal. The prisoner, whose demeanor was reckless and yet not firm, was then removed from the dock, amid the crying and exclamation of his relatives.”
The newspaper account ends with the statement that Donovan subsequently confessed his guilt, but no further details are provided concerning the alleged confession. The oddly named Kilkenny Journal, & Leinster Commercial & Literary Advertiser, whose editor had been highly critical of the Kilkenny Moderator in May concerning its reporting of the arrest, also reported on the trial. One of the differences in the Journal’s account of the trial was the fact that the defence barrister strongly objected to the introduction of the dying declaration of Michael Rigby naming Paddy Donovan as his killer. It was also reported that Donovan had only married the widow and obtained the land two years before he was evicted, and the eyewitness John Walsh testified through an interpreter as he was an Irish speaker (Sat. 7 Aug. 1841, p. 3).
The Execution
Patrick Donovan was hanged in front of the Kilkenny gaol on the 28th of August 1841. “His appearance at the place of execution was contrite and edifying. He made no declaration in public, but on different occasions since conviction he admitted the justice of his sentence, and made full acknowledgment of his guilt” (Waterford Chronicle, Sat, 4 Sept. 1841, p. 8).
Although most newspapers only published a few sentences concerning the hanging the Kilkenny Journal (Wed. 1 Sept. 1841, p. 2 ) provided the following detailed account of the event.
“On Saturday, the unfortunate man, Donovan, convicted at our last Assizes of the murder crowd of persons were collected round the scene of the execution from an early hour, and the time when the unhappy man appeared on the drop, there could not have been less than 5,000 people present. A large body of Police, with two companies of the 99th regiment, were placed within the enclosure opposite the Gaol. At half-past one o’clock, the prisoner, accompanied by the Rev Messrs. Doyle and Kavanagh, who were most unremitting in their attendance upon him ever since the time when the awful sentence of death was pronounced against him, left his condemned cell, and proceeded through the corridors of the gaol towards the place of execution. He appeared to be deeply impressed with the near approach his untimely end, and from the deep contrition, and the Christian-like resignation, which evinced, he seemed to have treasured within his soul the solemn and wholesome admonitions of the excellent clergymen who supported him in his hours of tribulation. He was a man of athletic frame, and just in the prime of life; and no doubt, his death will serve as a warning to many not to allow themselves to be carried away by the impulse of their passions. His appearance was indicative of firmness throughout, and in reciting the various religious responses, & in going through his other devotional exercises, he evinced great presence of mind and deep and fervid contrition of heart. On entering the execution-room, he seemed somewhat weak, but he rallied, and after joining for some time in prayer, he gave himself over to the executioner. The necessary arrangements having been perfected, the bolt was withdrawn, and in a few minutes he was launched into eternity. He died almost instantaneously, and with scarcely a struggle. The crowd soon afterwards separated.”
Other Information
The Murder Victim
Thanks to Ann Fitzgerald and Patty Brown we know that Michael Rigby (c. 1790-1841) married Nelly Neil and the couple had at least 7 children. [1] Thomas Ribby (sic) (bapt. 24 Dec. 1809); [2] Daniel Rigby (bapt. 12 Nov. 1811); [3] Else Rigby (bapt. 19 Nov. 1813); [4] James Rigby, bapt. 9 July 1816; [5] Richard Rigby, bapt. 7 March 1820; [6] Thomas Rigby, bapt. 17 Feb. 1822; [7] Michael Rigby, bapt. 14 April 1825. At the time of the murder in May 1841, Daniel Rigby (described by Hanrahan as the eldest son) was newly married to Margaret Rigby on 22 Feb. 1841. The year after the murder James Rigby married Catherine Rigby on 19 June 1842. Thus, two Rigby brothers from Ballyveria, Glenmore married two Rigby sisters from Ballinacrea, Slieverue. A review of the Tithe Applotment Books reveals that in 1830 F. George Caulfield was the landlord of Ballyveria and Michael Ribby (sic) occupied 24 acres in the townland. At Christmas 1840 he acquired the four acres thus at the time of his death it is believed that he occupied 28 acres. Some of his children emigrated to the US and some remained in Ireland.
[Update 28 July 2021: Per Patty Brown and Ann Fitzgerald– Else Rigby married Kieran Dollard and they emigrated to Norfolk, Virginia in 1851. Her brother Thomas Rigby emigrated with them; her brother Michael Rigby joined them in 1852; and her brother Richard Rigby in 1855. Of the Rigby brothers who emigrated to Norfolk only Thomas Rigby married (Bridget Moloney) and died shortly thereafter in 1854].
The Fields
Danny Dowling would always advise in untangling local farming families to track the land. Following this advice, this week several local farmers noted that the two fields that were the cause of the murder are now owned by Michael Phelan, of Darbystown. It was recalled that Michael Phelan’s aunt married a Rigby, they had no family,* and she left the land to her nephew Michael Phelan. A marriage record was located for Daniel Rigby of Ballyveria and Catherine Phelan of Ballyfacey who married on 10 July 1940. Daniel Rigby (1882-1966) was born on the 23rd of December 1882 at Ballyveria, the eldest son of Michael Rigby (1842-1934?) and his wife Anastatia Roche (married 1 March 1881). Michael Rigby (1842-1934?) was baptized 4 March 1842, just 10 months after his grandfather was murdered. Michael Rigby (1842- 1934?) was the eldest son of Daniel Ribby (sic) (1811-1889) and Margaret Ribby née Rigby (c. 1811-1897).
*Correction–Dan Rigby and his wife Catherine Phelan had a son Michael Rigby who died in 1971. After Dan Rigby’s death Catherine married Michael Tobin. Catherine Rigby, Tobin née Phelan died in 1982 at the age of 74.
The Defendant
From the facts reported during the trial it was known that Patrick Donovan was 28 years of age in 1841, married a widow and occupied the two fields for two years before being evicted in June 1840. Patrick Donovan was baptized on 6 March 1813 at Ballyveria the son of William Donovan and Anastatia Elvert (Aylward). In the 1830 Tithe Applotment Books, William Donovan was the occupier of 31 acres. Another Donovan is found in the townland, John Donovan who was the occupier of 33 acres. Patrick Donovan (1813-1841) had at least five siblings: [1] Honor Donovan (bapt. 26 Aug. 1803); [2] Patrick Donovan (bapt. 26 Oct. 1807-died before 1813); [3] Catherine Donovan (bapt. 27 May 1810); [4] Michael Donovan (bapt. 26 Mar. 1816); [5] James Donovan (bapt. 15 May 1817).
Patrick Donovan (1813-1841) married Alice Cody on 26 October 1837. Unfortunately, the marriage record does not record the fathers of the couple or whether Alice was a widow. A search revealed that an Alice Cody married James Walsh on 15 Feb. 1829. Two known children were born to this marriage [1] Mary Walsh, bapt. 13 March 1832 and [2] Philip Walsh, bapt. 17 May 1834. No further baptisms could be located. The only James Walsh in the 1830 Tithe Applotment Books for the area provides that a James Walsh is listed with John Colleton, Mary Colleton and Michel Colleton of Kilbride and occupying 85 acres. Patrick Donovan and his wife, Alice Cody had two known children [3] William Donovan, bapt. 10 Nov. 1837 and [4] Patrick Donovan, bapt. 7 Oct. 1841 (about five weeks after his father was executed).
A death record was located for an Alice Donovan, aged 80, who died on 6 November 1875 at Haggard, Glenmore, the widow of a farmer. William Donovan was present at her death. A death record was located for William Donovan, of Haggard, who died on 21 March 1882, of TB at the age of 44. His father-in-law Andrew Brien was present. A marriage record provides that William Donovan (farm labourer) married Anastatia Brien on 8 February 1869 at Glenmore. William’s father is listed as Patrick Donovan and Anastatia’s is Andrew Brien. William Donovan (1837-1882) and his wife had at least 8 children before his untimely death in 1882.
A baptismal record could not be found for an Alice Cody in 1795 in Ballyveria. However, a record was located for Alice Cody baptised 12 February 1804 at Milltown, Glenmore the daughter of John Cody and Catherine Neef. Later children of this couple were baptized at Ballyveria (Margaret Cody (1809) and Edmund Cody (1810). Thus, Alice Donovan née Cody (1804-1875) was 9 years older than her second husband Patrick Donovan (1813-1841), was widowed twice before the age of 40, and was 71 when she died in 1875.
Witnesses
John Walsh testified that he was in Ballyveria for 30 years. The 1830 Tithe Applotment Books reveals that John Walsh, of Ballyveria, occupied 9 acres.
Edmund Hanrahan (1802-1874) who was ploughing in a nearby field at the time of the murder was baptized on 21 September 1802 at Wetherstown (sic), the son of Michael Hanrahan and Anastatia Murphy. On 24 February 1827 Edmund Hanrahan, of Ballyfacey married Anne Denief also of Ballyfacy. The couple had at least five children, the youngest being born a week after her father testified in the murder case. [1] Alicia Hanrahan, bapt. 10 June 1828 at Kilbride; [2] Margaret Hanrahan, bapt. 6 Aug. 1831; [3] Mary Hanrahan, bapt. 11 Dec. 1833; [4] William Hanrahan, bapt. 13 Dec. 1836; and [5] Judith Hanrahan, bapt. 14 Aug. 1841. Edmund Hanrahan’s name appears in the 1830 Tithe Applotment Books for Kilbride, but he is listed with a number of others and does not appear to have a separate defined number of acres. The death register reveals that an Edmund Hanrahan, a married farmer, died on 26 January 1874 at the age of 75 in Tullogher.
Richard Grace—very little could be found regarding this witness. A Richard Grace was baptized on 28 May 1793 at Ballyfacey the son of Thomas Grace and Margaret Rigby.
The Judge
Richard Pennefather (1773-1859) was the Baron of the Exchequer in Ireland. He served an impressive 38 years on the bench and only retired a few months before he died at his home in Knockeevan, County Tipperary in 1859 at the age of 86. His most famous case was the 1829 Donneraile (Co. Cork) Conspiracy Case where he was one of two presiding judges. Seventeen men were charged with conspiracy to murder local landlords, and the only evidence against them was the testimony of an approver. An approver is a person who engaged in the crime but agreed to testify for the prosecution against the other defendants. In this case, the approver alleged that the defendants met in a tent at a fair and agreed in writing to murder local landlords. After four of the men were convicted Daniel O’Connell (1775-1847), upon payment of 100 gold guineas, took on the case and saved the lives of all the defendants save one. He did this by destroying the credibility of the approver on cross examination armed with a prior inconsistent statement made by the approver before a magistrate. However, this was only possible because Baron Pennefather himself sent for the prior deposition and when he received it he gave it to O’Connell in open court. Pennefather’s actions during the Donneraile Conspiracy case were cited with approval by Justice Hardiman (1951-2016) of the Supreme Court in 2007 (O’Callaghan v. Mahon [2007] IESC 17/1).
The drawing of Baron Richard Pennefather was done by William Tinsley (1804-1885) who was a Clonmel architect. He made several court room drawings while attending the trial of William Smith O’Brien for High Treason at Clonmel, Co. Tipperary in 1848. Interestingly Tinsley immigrated to the U.S. in 1851. The drawings were found by J.D. Forbes in the possession of Tinsley’s granddaughter in Crawfordsville, Indiana, who was researching the architectural career of Tinsley. Forbes (1953) “The Tinsley Portrait Sketches of the William Smith O’Brien Trial,” 83(1) The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, p. 86-92 at p. 90).
If there are any errors, omissions or corrections please email glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
The Murder Trial of Patrick Donovan, of Ballyveria, Glenmore
In our last blog post we outlined the information that Danny Dowling recorded regarding the murder of Michael Rigby in Kilbride, Glenmore on 14 May 1841. In addition to the oral tradition that passed from one generation to the next, we are very fortunate that the details of the murder trial held in August of 1841 were reported extensively in the Kilkenny Moderator on 11 August 1841 (p. 2-3). From a legal history standpoint, one aspect of the reported trial that is interesting is the extensive exchange the judge had with the accused Patrick Donovan prior to sentencing. It was not until 1898, that an accused was allowed to testify in his criminal trial. It was believed that whether the accused was guilty or innocent, the fear of punishment would cause an accused to commit perjury, so no criminal defendant was allowed to testify. In Patrick Donovan’s trial for the murder of Micheal Rigby the judge was Baron Richard Pennefather (1773-1859). The prosecutor was Mr. Scott, Q.C. It is not stated that Patrick Donovan was represented by counsel, but there is a reference to Mr. Rolleston, cross-examining Crown witnesses. Excerpts of the newspaper account are provided below and where possible the actual language reported is utilized. The account was provided by a newspaper reporter and is not a verbatim transcript of the testimony.
Mr. Scott, Q.C. gave the jury a brief outline of the case. He contended that Patrick Donovan, aged 28, wilfully murdered Michael Rigby, aged 50, by “giving him a mortal wound on the head with a stone.” “The case was one which could only be presented as one of murder, and the only question was as to the identity of the perpetrator.” He set forth the motive, opportunity, dying declaration of the victim naming his killer, an eyewitness, as well as “so many circumstances…as to leave no doubt of the result.”
The first witness to testify was Captain Benjamin Bunbury who was the agent for Mrs. Caulfield the landlord of Ballyvara (sic). Captain Bunbury revealed to the jury the motive for the murder. “The prisoner married a widow woman, and so became tenant of four acres of the land; he was removed in June, 1840, for non-payment of rent, and for alienating two of them by sale…” In other words, Patrick Donovan as a tenant failed to pay the rent on the land and then alienated, or induced others to take part of the land, collected rent and kept the rent or rent in kind he collected. Before Captain Bunbury learned of the alienation of the two acres he had agreed that Donovan could return if he paid part of the rent owed. When Captain Bunbury found out about the “alienation” of the two acres he refused to allow Donovan to return to the land. Donovan then asked, “who will you get to take it?” Banbury replied, “many, no doubt.”
The next witness was Thomas Rigby one of the sons of the murder victim. He provided the jury among other things, that the defendant had opportunity. Although it was not reported in the newspaper account the age of this witness, (thanks to the Rigby research of Patty Brown & Ann Fitzgerald) we know that Thomas was 19 years of age. Thomas testified, “my father is dead; I remember the day he died; we left home that morning in company at about the hour of eight o’clock; I was going to the land which Donovan formerly held; my father had been about eight months in possession of the land; the prisoner asked me would we give up possession of the ground if Captain Bunbury allowed him, and I said we would; on the morning of the murder I saw the prisoner coming up a lane from the village of Ballyvara; he was about a perch (16.5 feet) off; he shook his head at me, and I was alarmed and told my father what had been done by the prisoner; I looked back once more, and the prisoner again shook his head; I and my father then went on our land, and my father parted me and went off along a path in the direction of Glenmore, a man named Hanrahan was ploughing about three fields off, and my father stopped to speak to him; I here observed the prisoner and a man named Walsh coming from a lane and making towards the path on which my father was; they got on the path and went off in the direction of Glenmore; the deceased had only gone a few yards out of Hanrahan’s field when the prisoner and Walsh left it too, going the same way; after this I saw the three in company going off, and this was about four perches from the place where I lost sight of them; the next time I saw my father was about one o’clock; he was then beaten; I and two of my brothers and two girls remained working in the field, when Hanrahan brought the news that the deceased was killed; my brothers ran before me, and I knew where the deceased lay by hearing their cries; when I came up he was lying in my brother’s arms, and moaning; he died in an hour.”
The cross examination of Thomas Rigby was by Mr. Rolleston. From the answers reported in the newspaper it appears that the counsel was attempting to show that Walsh also had motive and opportunity to commit the murder. Thomas Rigby stated, “l knew Walsh’s brother; he held one of the four acres from which Donovan had been ejected.” He was also questioned about the distance from which he observed his father near Donovan and Walsh, “there were eleven stone fences between me and Hanrahan’s field, and four ditches between me and the place where I saw my father last.” It also appears that he was challenged regarding the alleged head shaking by the accused and replied, “I stated to several persons and to the coroner, that the prisoner shook his head at me that morning.”
The next to testify was another son of the victim 25 year-old James Rigby. He provided further information regarding the land and his father’s dying declaration. “I know the four acres of ground which Donovan held, and my father got it about last Christmas; I was on the ground in last Spring digging potatoes, when the prisoner came up, and holding a little bit of earth in his hand, said, ‘I know that I will be burning in hell, where brimstone will be going through my nose and my belly, and I don’t care as much for my soul as for this bit of clay, and the first of you I catch on my ground I will settle him…’”
James Rigby went on to testify that on the day his father was murdered he saw his father going towards Hanrahan’s field and later “about one or two o’clock” Hanrahan came and told him that his father was at the top of Kilbride. “I ran off and found him lying partly in the ditch, and snorting, he was in very poor state; I asked him was he killed, and he replied ‘I am not killed, but as all as one’; I asked who killed him, and he said ‘Paddy Donovan.’” James Rigby then “threw off” his coat, and ran to the village of Glenmore for the priest, but by the time he returned his father was dead. As he was running for the priest, he met Richard Grace and Denis Lacy; on the path. “Grace asked me what happened.”
At this point the newspaper reported that accused Donovan interjected, “My Lord, if you won’t hang me he will go mad.”
During the cross-examination of James Rigby, he admitted that he had been in jail, “I was in the county gaol about “arguing” with some boys from Kilbrahan; I hit some of them; I cannot tell when it was I was in goal; one night in Ross they put me in gaol.” He denied that his father “turned him out of the house, but I used to go away for work and returned when wanted.” Rigby was apparently questioned about making a statement to John Walsh on the evening of the murder that his father was not able to speak when he found him. James Rigby acknowledged seeing John Walsh, but stated, “my father spoke quite plain when I raised him up; … I never said to any person that my father was not able to speak when I came up to him.”
“Baron Pennefather—When you came up to your father did he seem very much hurt?
Witness—He did.
[Baron Pennefather]—What was the first word you said to him?
[Witness]—I asked him was he killed, and he said ‘I am not, but am all as one;’ I then asked him who killed him, and he said, ‘Paddy Donovan.’
[Baron Pennefather]—Did he speak distinctly?
[Witness]—Not very, but I could swear to those words.”
The next two witnesses were Mary Brophy, of Ballyveria and Edward Hanrahan. Mary Brophy testified that on the day of the murder she went to Stations in Glenmore. She was returning to Ballyveria about dinner time by the pathway when she saw the body of a man lying in the ditch. He was “snorting and lay stretched out; I left him and told Ned Hanrahan, who was ploughing, about the finding of the body.” Edward Hanrahan testified that on the day of the murder at about eight that morning he was plowing and the murder victim came into his field and they had a conversation. Hanrahan observed John Walsh and “another man” come into the field. The victim left and went toward the path and the other two men were about eight perches from the path. “I was afterwards told by Mrs. Brophy that a man was lying stretched, and I went off and found the deceased about three fields off, lying on the other side of the ditch farthest from the path.”
When cross-examined Edward Hanrahan admitted that he told the children of the victim that their father was killed. “When I came up the second time the eldest son had his father in his arms. To Baron Pennefather—When I first saw the body I cannot tell if the man was alive.” He stated that it was Dan [Rigby] (b. 1811) who he saw holding his father in his arms. Hanrahan stated that he knew Donovan, but did not identify him because he did not have “as good an opportunity of seeing the man with Walsh as he [Walsh] came in first.”
The sixth witness was the eye witness John Walsh. He testified that he had lived in Ballyveria for thirty years and he knew the victim Michael Rigby and the accused Patrick Donovan. On the day of the murder, he met Donovan in the village of Ballyveria and they were walking to Glenmore for Stations. “We went by a path towards Glenmore, and the path went by Hanrahan’s field; I saw Hanrahan in the field sowing potatoes; I saw the deceased speaking to Hanrahan, and he then went on the path towards the chapel; I went on a little in advance of the prisoner, and when in Collattin’s field I heard a cry, “Oh don’t Paddy,” and turned round, when I saw Rigby lying on the ground in a corner of the field; I saw the prisoner strike him down on the head with a stone, and then I ran off for fear of my life; the prisoner overtook me some time afterwards, and told me he had thrown Rigby over the ditch; he came with me to the chapel, where we remained a good while; Donovan told me not to swear against him; I left the chapel first, and the prisoner followed me; I came to my own house at Ballyvara, and the prisoner went by the road; the same evening I told my neighbours what occurred.”
On cross-examination Walsh admitted that his brother “had a crop off of one acre of the four acres from which Donovan had been ejected.” In other words, Walsh’s brother was one of the men who alienated or rented part of the property from Donovan. Walsh stated that he was afraid to call out to Hanrahan when he saw Donovan striking the victim. Walsh stated that he was arrested in his own garden, and “told in one day what I knew.” He asserted that he was only arrested because he was with Donovan when the murder took place.
The next two witnesses were Denis Lacey and Richard Grace. Denis Lacey testified that Hanrahan’s house is situated between the Villages of Ballyveria and Glenmore and his own house was close to the pathway. He saw Walsh and Donovan together in the morning and after dinner returning from Glenmore. “James Rigby passed me during the day going for the priest, and he called out aloud to Richard Grace that his father was killed; in about five minutes after this the prisoner came up; I told him that Rigby was struck, and he made no reply.” Richard Grace corroborated that Walsh and Donovan were together in the morning and after dinner “saw the prisoner in Lacey’s house.”
The last two witnesses in the newspaper coverage were Mr. George White, Inspector of Police and Dr. Cummins. White testified that he went to the murder scene and found blood on the ground. He found a stone near the spot with blood and human hair on it. On the night after the murder he arrested Donovan between 11 and 12 o’clock, “at the distance of about two miles from his residence; he was in bed in a barn with two men, and a man who was dressed appeared acting as a sentry.” Dr. Cummins testified that he examined the victim’s body and found twelve wounds and contusions on his head. Two stones were shown to the doctor and he identified that one corresponded with several of the bruises. In his opinion the victim’s death was “produced by these wounds and bruises.” On cross examination he stated that it was possible a man might, “although thus injured, speak some intelligible words.”
“Baron Pennefather charged the jury in a most lucid address, and remarked on the many dreadful crimes that disgraced the country, in connection with the taking of land. The jury, however, were not, because the crime was great, to impute guilt to any individual, unless the evidence established his crimination ‘beyond any rational doubt.’ The learned judge, then, with extreme care, recapitulated the evidence. The jury retired at half past eight o’clock, and at half past ten brought in a verdict of guilty. The foreman said some of the jury wished to recommend the prisoner to mercy. Baron Pennyfather—On what ground? The jury could not assign a reason, and his lordship said he saw no ground for extending mercy. The prisoner, who was rather unmoved, was then taken back to prison.” It is assumed that the entire trial was heard in one day and the jury deliberated from 8:30 to 10:30 that night.
In our next blog we will provide details of the sentencing and Patrick Donovan’s exchange with the judge, as well as personal details concerning Patrick Donovan and Michael Rigby.
Special thanks to Patty Brown and Ann Fitzgerald for sharing their Rigby family research and to all who helped us today in locating some of the 1841 murder related landmarks. Any and all corrections greatly appreciated. Please send any information, corrections, etc. to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
The featured photo above is the old Hogan house in Haggard, Glenmore identified by James “Jimmy Mac” McDonald as the place were Patrick Donovan was arrested on 15 May 1841. The old stone gate pillars are still standing as well as the house behind the trees.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
The 1841 “Savage” Murder in Kilbride, Glenmore
On 11 June 1970 Danny Dowling interviewed James “Jimmy Mac” McDonald (c. 1909-1990) of Ballyfacey, Glenmore. James McDonald provided the following information concerning a murder. Donovan of Ballyveria, Glenmore killed Rigby over two fields which Rigby “had from him.” The two fields involved were the ones opposite Katie Leary’s house and shop on the other side of the road. Donovan had a wife, two sons and a daughter. Before the murder was committed, the parish priest of Glenmore, and a missionary, went to Rigby, and implored him to return the fields to Donovan, but he wouldn’t. On the morning of the killing, Rigby was riding on an ass on his way to the Stations in Glenmore. Dick Young’s grandfather was working in a field and Donovan asked him to kill Rigby, but Young refused. A man named Cathoir was with Donovan when he killed Rigby. He killed him by battering in his head with a stone. Donovan didn’t intend to kill Rigby. All he wanted was to leave him enough life for the priest to attend. Cathoir then said to him that if Donovan didn’t finish him off the two of them would be hanged. Donovan then finished him off.
After the killing, Donovan and his wife fled and hid around the Englishman’s on the Mountain and from there went to Haggard where they were arrested the next day where Hogan’s are now. That night whilst hiding he had his head resting on his wife’s lap he had a vision of his dead mother he said to his wife “here is my mother coming for me.” Cathoir swore against him at the trial, and when it was over Cathoir was never seen again. He had a wife and two sons. The sons later went to America. Jimmy McDonald’s father Patsy was in Peoria, Illinois in his early days and he saw the Cathoir men there. At that time when a man gave evidence for the Crown he was usually shipped away to England or further afield for safety.
James McDonald did not indicate where the murder took place, but Mary Stapleton on 5 March 1980 when providing some Irish field names to Danny stated that “Knockaburdish” was the name of the field that once belonged to Felix Mullins. It was located at the top of the Kilbride hills and it was where “Donovan killed Rigby. The mark of Rigby’s head is still there. It is now owned by Jim Culleton.”
Yesterday, Paschal Roche, of Kilbride, a nephew of Jim Culleton (c. 1922-2012) showed us the field at the top of the Kilbride hills that is now called “Dead Man’s Field.” There in the upper eastern corner of the field is the spot where Rigby was murdered 180 years ago. The Culleton headstone in Glenmore cemetery reveals that Jim Culleton’s grandfather, James Culleton (c. 1845-1912) was born only a few years after the murder. The photo to the right shows the location in Dead Man’s Field where the murder took place. Today, it is not possible to pinpoint how the old path to Glemore proceeded from this point crossing the field or running along the ditches.
Ireland in 1841
From 1821 to 1841 the Census Commissioners concluded that Ireland’s population increased from 6.8 million to 8.2 million. There was an average of 700 people per square mile in Ireland making it the second most populated country in Europe. However, unlike England and Scotland the people living in rural Ireland had shorter life expectancy than the people living in Irish cities. This was discovered by Oscar Wilde’s father, surgeon William Wilde. Wilde examined the record of the deaths of family members who died after 1831 and calculated mortality rates employing records such as hospital returns and cemetery returns. It is thought that the poverty and poor living conditions in rural areas with a sizable proportion of the population living in “mud huts” contributed to the shorter life expectancy (Helene O’Keefe, (2021) “Ireland before the Great Famine” ).
In 1841 Glenmore was not yet a parish. Although the present church in Glenmore Village was built in 1813 it was not until 1846 that Slieverue and Glenmore were divided and the parish of Glenmore was established. The townlands of Ballyfacey, and Ballyveria where both Rigby and Donovan lived in 1841, were on the edge of what would become Glenmore parish. The faithful would walk from these outlying areas in the most direct route to the Chapel in Glenmore by crossing fields and following what were known as mass paths. It was on a mass path in the townland of Kilbride that Rigby was murdered while walking to Stations being held in Glenmore on Friday morning on the 14th of May 1841. Today, Holy Week is generally associated with Stations, but in 1841 Easter Sunday fell on 11 April 1841.
Just eight years earlier the murder in Shanbogh, of Catholic landlord Joseph Leonard, generated vast newspaper coverage and resulted in the men held responsible for his murder being hanged at the place of the murder “near the hill of Glenmore.” It was reported that these hangings were witnessed by thousands from the area. It is likely that the crowd that attended the hangings may have included both Rigby and his killer Donovan.
Contemporary Newspaper Controversy
The Kilkenny Moderator, on Wednesday the 19th of May 1841 (p. 3) published the following account of the murder.
“SAVAGE MURDER. We deeply regret to state that another and a most horribly revolting murder was perpetrated in this County on the morning of Friday last, at Kilbride, within a few miles of Rosbercon. It appears that on the morning stated, as Michael Ribby (sic), of Ballyvarra (sic), was on his way to attend a Station,” which was held in the Chapel of Glenmore, about a mile from his own house, he was overtaken by two men named Patrick Donovan and John Walshe, both residing on the lands of Ballyvarra, who walked beside him for a few yards until they came to a “style.” At this spot Donovan took up a stone with which he knocked down his unsuspecting victim, poor Ribby, and continued to strike him about the head in the most savage manner until life was nearly extinct, inflicting no less than thirteen wounds, beside one on the back of his left hand with which he ineffectually attempted to save his head while vainly crying out for mercy to his relentless assailant.
After the perpetration of this horrid deed we have been assured that Donovan and Walshe both went to the ” Station,” where we suppose they got absolution! The unfortunate Ribby was discovered by his sons a few moments before he expired, and when spoken to by them he merely uttered the words—”I’m not quite killed—it was Donovan did it,” soon after which he breathed his last. He was about 50 years of age and has left a large family to mourn over his untimely fate. The only cause assigned for this foul murder is, that Ribby had been, a few months since, put in possession of about four acres of land from which Donovan had been previously ejected by the Agent, Captain Bunbury, for non-payment of rent. This gentleman, on being informed of the transaction, instantly started for Kilbride, in order to render any assistance in his power for the apprehension of the guilty parties.
Donovan, we understand, is a fellow of notoriously bad character, and has been more than once an inmate of a gaol. An Inquest was subsequently held on the body of the deceased by Thomas Izod , Esq., one of our County Coroners, when a verdict of ” Wilful Murder” was returned by the Jury against Patrick Donovan and John Walsh. We are happy to add that, owing to the active and unceasing exertions of George White, Esq., C.C., and the Constabulary under his command, Donovan (who had absconded,) and Walshe, were both arrested and brought into Ross, while the Inquest was sitting. They have been since transmitted to our County Gaol charged with the offence.”
The Kilkenny Journal, and Leinster Commercial & Literary Advertiser, of Saturday the 22nd of May 1841 (p. 3) provided further details of the inquest and arrests.
“Murder—Coroner’s Inquest—On Saturday, Thomas Izod, Esq., one of the coroners for the county Kilkenny, was called on to proceed to Ballyvera, near Listerlin, in the barony of Ida, to hold an inquest on the body of a farmer named Micheal Rigby, who was murdered at between eight and nine o’clock on the morning of Friday, on his way to the chapel in Glenmore. The finding of the inquest was “wilful murder against Patrick Donovan of Ballyvera, aided and assisted by John Walsh of the same place.” Donovan absconded shortly after committing the murder, and was, during the sitting of the Court, apprehended at Haggart, near Glenmore, by that efficient officer, Sub-inspector White, and the police, whose vigilance and activity were unremitting to bring him to justice. Walsh did not abscond; the deceased had ten or twelve severe cuts on the head, and the scull severely fractured; the ill will towards him was in consequence of his having taken ground which Donovan was dispossessed of; Walsh’s brother was an under-tenant of Donovan’s to part of the land, which in extent, was not more than 4 acres.”
On page 2, of the same edition of the Kilkenny Journal, the editor asserted that there was an “infamous calumny” in the article published by the Kilkenny Moderator on the 19th concerning the murder. Although the meaning of calumny is to make a false, malicious, defamatory statement about a person in order to damage that person’s reputation, the editor was not referring to what was said about the accused Patrick O’Donovan being a fellow of notorious bad character. The editor asserted, ‘If the Catholics of Ireland did not possess a degree of patience allied to servility, they would not permit the insolent conduct of those infamous calumniators who hourly assail their claims to political right, and make the most laborious pains to misrepresent their [Catholics] religious principles.’ The editor was challenging the remark concerning the accused men after the murder attended Stations where it was “supposed” that they obtained absolution for the murder. The editor argued that the purpose of the two accused men to attend the Stations was to avert suspicion. “…[W]e think, very likely, for how could they better avert suspicion than by appearing to comply with their religious duties? –but the other dark insinuation, (concerning receiving absolution) ‘the lying scribe knew in his heart, could not be credited even by the most blinded of his bigoted readers.’” Thus the “savage” murder was not only widely reported in newspapers across Britain and Ireland, but it (or more correctly its reporting in the Kilkenny Moderator) generated controversy and became politicalised because of the remark concerning absolution.
Next Blog: The Murder Trial of Patrick Donovan
In August of 1841 Patrick Donovan stood trial in Kilkenny for the murder of Michael Rigby. Details of the testimony of nine prosecution witnesses provide a fuller account of the murder and provides some personal information about Rigby and Donovan. We shall cover the murder trial in our next blog post.
The featured photo above is one of the panoramic views from the lower ditch of Dead Man’s Field, Kilbride, Glenmore.
Special thanks to Patty Brown for kickstarting this research by providing a newspaper excerpt that provided the date of the murder and the names of Michael Rigby’s wife and children. Also special thanks to Pasqual Roche for taking us yesterday to Dead Man’s Field with its wonderful views of Glenmore.
If there are any corrections, omissions, or readers have further or different information please email glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
The Waterford By-Election 1891
On the 23rd of October 1964 Danny Dowling interviewed and recorded several interesting stories provided by Nicholas Forristal (1888-1979) of the Mill, Graiguenakill, Glenmore. After a little research we were able to verify and expand on the information provided almost 60 years ago by Nicky the Miller. It is believed that the story recorded below by Danny in 1964 concerned Sunday the 13th of December in 1891 during the hotly contested Waterford by-election.
“Nicky said that there was a lot of McCarthyites in Ross. On one occasion they travelled down to Waterford to interrupt a Redmondite meeting which was being held there. On arrival there was a melee and the instruments of their band were all thrown over the bridge into the river when they were carted out of the City. Whilst passing the Mill some of them came into the yard and threw a stone through the window into the kitchen. They were attacked over Glenmore by stones and sods, sticks etc. At the Pink Rock the local men and women did the same and also threw [the contents of their chamber pots] into their wagonettes. They got a terrible fright and never ventured again to Waterford.”
Background
To put this into context, the Irish Parliamentary Party was led by Charles Stewart Parnell (1846-1891). When Parnell became embroiled in a divorce scandal in 1890 he refused to step down as leader. This led to the Irish Parliamentary Party splitting. Justin McCarthy (1830-1912) became leader of the anti-Parnellite group or the Irish National Federation until 1896. Interestingly it was reported in the Munster Express on 31 January 1891 (p. 4) that previously McCarthy had stated that he would not give up their leader [Parnell] for “an inferior and less capable man,” and “in a strange irony of fate” McCarthy became the “inferior and less capable man.”
On 6 October 1891, Parnell died and John Redmond (1856-1918), his supporter and an MP from Wexford, gave up his North Wexford seat to contest the Cork by-election for Parnell’s seat. Redmond lost the Cork bi-election and found himself with no seat. On 29 November 1891, the MP for Waterford City, Richard Power (1856-1891) of the Irish Nationalist Party died at the age of 40. Redmond announced that he would run as an independent for the Waterford seat during the late 1891 by-election. It appeared that Redmond might run un-opposed, but Michael Davitt (1846-1906) on Sunday the 13th of December 1891 officially declared his candidacy. In the terminology employed in 1891, Davitt was a McCarthyite and Redmond a Parnellite.
Sunday 13 December 1891
Redmond was already holding meetings and canvassing when Davitt came to Waterford on Sunday the 13th of December 1891. It was alleged that Davitt was present to seek to end the divisions and support Keane as the candidate to oppose Redmond. It was apparently well known by local people that special trains had been hired to bring McCarthyite supporters to Waterford City to alledgely “intimidate” the Waterford city voters (Waterford Standard, Wed. 16 Dec. 1891, p. 3).
The following account was gleaned from the Freeman’s Journal (14 Dec. 1891, p. 5)
Davitt proceeded to the railway station with supporters, and they walked along the quay quietly. No one interfered with them in any way until they got to the Toll Bridge, which crossed the River Suir. The train station was on the Kilkenny side of the bridge and a Redmondite crowd had already gathered on the Waterford side of the bridge. The crowd groaned and hissed as Davitt and his supporters passed over the bridge to the railway station. Davitt stood at the toll gate, smiling at the hostile demonstration as his supporters marched past, and Davitt then proceeded behind them across the bridge. A small crowd of the Redmondites followed, and they did not do more than indulge in some “harmless chaff,” which was treated with good humoured indifference by Davitt and his followers. The Davitt party arrived at the railway stations at one o’clock. The special train from Carrick did not reach the station until half-past one. A couple of hundred men with a band came down from Carrick and Piltown. At the same time some horse drawn cars arrived with a brass band from New Ross. Another couple hundred arrived from Dungarvan and Kilmacthomas…
It was reported that there were 400 police present in Waterford City in anticipation of trouble. Some police were armed with batons and others with rifles. Although the Freeman’s Journal alleged that the police with batons charged and beat McCarthyites, as they sought to march into the city to a meeting, other newspapers concluded that the police did the best they could to stop the opposing supporters from clashing (Waterford Standard, Wed. 16 Dec. 1891, p. 4). A considerable crowd of Waterford residents, armed with bludgeons, assembled on the Waterford quay to repel the so-called “invaders.” Luckily rain was heavily falling and this caused a lot of people to abandon the quay and seek shelter. As the rain continued Davitt supporters at the train station marched to the bridge and the New Ross band struck up the “Boys of Wexford.” It was reported that the Redmondites joined in the singing of this song that commemorates the 1798 Rebellion.
At the toll gate Davitt insisted that the gate should be opened, and “after a sharp tussle” the gates were forced open and the Davitt supporters marched right into the thick of the Redmond supporters. The Redmond supporters initially moved aside. From the bridge to Gladstone Street, a distance of half of a mile, a steady skirmish continued. About a hundred yards from the bridge, a man rushed forward and struck Davitt on the temple with a stick. Davitt’s face was covered with blood. When they finally reached their committee rooms on Gladstone Street, Davitt announced while holding his handkerchief to his head, “This blow has determined me to stand for Waterford.” John Redmond witnessed the scenes from the windows of the Commins’ Hotel, his party’s headquarters, and when he heard that Davitt was injured he called at the Adelphi Hotel to inquire about Davitt’s condition and express his regret at “the outrage.”
Unfortunately, there is no newspaper account of the New Ross Band’s exit from the city and journey back to New Ross through Glenmore. Nicky the Miller was not quite four years old when the kitchen window in his home was broken and local Parnell supporters clashed with the New Ross McCarthyite band members on their return to New Ross. Undoubtedly, Nicky heard the story from his parents and older siblings.
The Election
In the days following that fateful Sunday, Redmond tirelessly campaigned. It was reported that Davitt did not have many workers within Waterford City and the Catholic Clergy performed most of the canvasing on his behalf. In a local speech reported in the Waterford Standard (16 December 1891, p. 3) Redmond called Davitt a liar for saying that he had come to Waterford to support Keane’s candidature, but after being struck he decided to run himself. Redmond “considered that it would be unreasonable to suppose that a candidate would be deposed in that way without being in anyway consulted.” Redmond went on to accuse a man named Quinn “of buying clothes from a hang-me-down shops in New Ross, in order to enable his staunch supporters to come to Waterford with their sticks…” Newspapers accounts are full of accusations from both sides concerning the class, intelligence, and weaponry of the opposing supporters.
An unnamed political correspondent for the Waterford Standard in his column “Political Jottings,” (Wed. 16, December 1891, p. 4) noted that very few people expected Sunday to pass without much noise, but most people hoped that the disturbance would not reach the length of the riot which occurred on the Quay. “The people in the two crowds looked more like demons that human beings.” He stated that the extent of feeling in the city was best gauged by the fact of Mr. Davitt being assaulted. “The fact that he has lost one arm would in itself be enough to make an assault upon him an act of the coarsest brutality, but when this is coupled with what he has undergone on behalf of these people, whether he was right in his views or not, it should have been sufficient protection with men now that he happens to be opposed to them.” Various newspapers also referenced the riots at Castlecomer during the 1890 Kilkenny elections. Parnell while speaking had lime thrown in his face and Davitt was “giving as good as he got” in fighting with Parnell supporters. Politics was a rough businsess.
In London it was reported that “[t]he Parnellites have been greatly cheered and encouraged by the triumph at Waterford of Mr. Redmond over Mr. Michael Davitt, perhaps the strongest candidate whom the anti-Parnellites could have brought forward. Mr. Redmond’s majority was a decisive one, 546 in a constituency of some 4,000” (The Graphic, 2 Jan. 1892, p. 7). In 1892 Redmond again stood in the General Election for the Waterford City constituency. The Munster Express, (Sat. 2 July 1892, p. 5) reported that Father Flynn, P.P., of Ballybricken, publicly vowed that he would get a man to run against John Redmond. It was reported in the 1892 General Election that “Redmon canvassed Waterford City without a bodyguard of police, while Father Furlong and Father Flynn held indoor meetings at the ‘Carty Club under the protection of a force of fifty police.” Redmond went on to win the 1892 General Election beating David Sheehy, the father of Hannah Sheehy Skeffington.
Glenmore Support for Parnell Continued
“Nicky the Miller” during the same interview also told Danny an interesting story that illustrates the passionate support that Parnell enjoyed among some Glenmore residents after his death.
“For the Parnellite commemorative ceremony in Dublin each year people used to go from Glenmore to attend it. Old Johnny Hanrahan of the Village (1843-1921) used go every year. On one occasion Tom Mullins (c. 1873-1936) of Flemingstown, was with him and on the train on their return journey when it stopped, Johnny went to the window of the train and adderssed the multitude on the platform on the greatness of Parnell. He spoke at great length was thunderously cheered and Tom Mullins later said, “It was as good a speech as I ever heard. No doubt the people thought him to be some M.P. or famous personage.”
The conversation then turned to Old Johnny Hanrahan, and Nicky the Miller revealed that old Johnny Hanrahan was a cooper by trade and the son of Denis Hanrahan (b. 1811) of Powerswood, and his wife Bridget Gaffney (b. 1813) of Glenmore Village. The parish records reveal that the couple were married 6 February 1837 at Glenmore, but we will save the details concerning these Glenmore families to future post.
If there are any errors or omissions please contact glenmore.history@gmail. com. The featured photo is of John Redmond in 1917 (The Irish Times). The photo of Michael Davitt is available at https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Michael_davitt.jpg.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Previous blog posts that provide further information on local politics of the time include;
“Glenmore and Mr. Parnell,” blog post of 17 March 2020.
“Glenmore Land League Split,” blog post of 29 March 2020.
“Glenmore Redmond Volunteers and the Fife & Drum Band,” blog post of 4 Jan. 2020.