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L A T E S T P O S T S
Maurice Hennebry (1859-1917) Native of Rochestown, Glenmore—Killed on the S.S. Formby
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Ballyfacey, Glenmore 1913 School Photo
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From Danny’s Files: A 1911 Haggard, Glenmore, Malicious Injury Case
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November Updates
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A Disputed Glenmore Cottage
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Rev. William “Willie” Brennan (1891-1973) Parish Priest of Glenmore
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Glenmore Walking Tour 2025
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Interviews of Andrew Heffernan (1893-1975) of Aylwardstown, Glenmore
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Glenmore: Upcoming Local Talks & Walk
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James O’Neill (1857-1933) native of Rochestown, Glenmore [Updated]
The Murder Trial of Patrick Donovan, of Ballyveria, Glenmore
In our last blog post we outlined the information that Danny Dowling recorded regarding the murder of Michael Rigby in Kilbride, Glenmore on 14 May 1841. In addition to the oral tradition that passed from one generation to the next, we are very fortunate that the details of the murder trial held in August of 1841 were reported extensively in the Kilkenny Moderator on 11 August 1841 (p. 2-3). From a legal history standpoint, one aspect of the reported trial that is interesting is the extensive exchange the judge had with the accused Patrick Donovan prior to sentencing. It was not until 1898, that an accused was allowed to testify in his criminal trial. It was believed that whether the accused was guilty or innocent, the fear of punishment would cause an accused to commit perjury, so no criminal defendant was allowed to testify. In Patrick Donovan’s trial for the murder of Micheal Rigby the judge was Baron Richard Pennefather (1773-1859). The prosecutor was Mr. Scott, Q.C. It is not stated that Patrick Donovan was represented by counsel, but there is a reference to Mr. Rolleston, cross-examining Crown witnesses. Excerpts of the newspaper account are provided below and where possible the actual language reported is utilized. The account was provided by a newspaper reporter and is not a verbatim transcript of the testimony.
Mr. Scott, Q.C. gave the jury a brief outline of the case. He contended that Patrick Donovan, aged 28, wilfully murdered Michael Rigby, aged 50, by “giving him a mortal wound on the head with a stone.” “The case was one which could only be presented as one of murder, and the only question was as to the identity of the perpetrator.” He set forth the motive, opportunity, dying declaration of the victim naming his killer, an eyewitness, as well as “so many circumstances…as to leave no doubt of the result.”
The first witness to testify was Captain Benjamin Bunbury who was the agent for Mrs. Caulfield the landlord of Ballyvara (sic). Captain Bunbury revealed to the jury the motive for the murder. “The prisoner married a widow woman, and so became tenant of four acres of the land; he was removed in June, 1840, for non-payment of rent, and for alienating two of them by sale…” In other words, Patrick Donovan as a tenant failed to pay the rent on the land and then alienated, or induced others to take part of the land, collected rent and kept the rent or rent in kind he collected. Before Captain Bunbury learned of the alienation of the two acres he had agreed that Donovan could return if he paid part of the rent owed. When Captain Bunbury found out about the “alienation” of the two acres he refused to allow Donovan to return to the land. Donovan then asked, “who will you get to take it?” Banbury replied, “many, no doubt.”
The next witness was Thomas Rigby one of the sons of the murder victim. He provided the jury among other things, that the defendant had opportunity. Although it was not reported in the newspaper account the age of this witness, (thanks to the Rigby research of Patty Brown & Ann Fitzgerald) we know that Thomas was 19 years of age. Thomas testified, “my father is dead; I remember the day he died; we left home that morning in company at about the hour of eight o’clock; I was going to the land which Donovan formerly held; my father had been about eight months in possession of the land; the prisoner asked me would we give up possession of the ground if Captain Bunbury allowed him, and I said we would; on the morning of the murder I saw the prisoner coming up a lane from the village of Ballyvara; he was about a perch (16.5 feet) off; he shook his head at me, and I was alarmed and told my father what had been done by the prisoner; I looked back once more, and the prisoner again shook his head; I and my father then went on our land, and my father parted me and went off along a path in the direction of Glenmore, a man named Hanrahan was ploughing about three fields off, and my father stopped to speak to him; I here observed the prisoner and a man named Walsh coming from a lane and making towards the path on which my father was; they got on the path and went off in the direction of Glenmore; the deceased had only gone a few yards out of Hanrahan’s field when the prisoner and Walsh left it too, going the same way; after this I saw the three in company going off, and this was about four perches from the place where I lost sight of them; the next time I saw my father was about one o’clock; he was then beaten; I and two of my brothers and two girls remained working in the field, when Hanrahan brought the news that the deceased was killed; my brothers ran before me, and I knew where the deceased lay by hearing their cries; when I came up he was lying in my brother’s arms, and moaning; he died in an hour.”
The cross examination of Thomas Rigby was by Mr. Rolleston. From the answers reported in the newspaper it appears that the counsel was attempting to show that Walsh also had motive and opportunity to commit the murder. Thomas Rigby stated, “l knew Walsh’s brother; he held one of the four acres from which Donovan had been ejected.” He was also questioned about the distance from which he observed his father near Donovan and Walsh, “there were eleven stone fences between me and Hanrahan’s field, and four ditches between me and the place where I saw my father last.” It also appears that he was challenged regarding the alleged head shaking by the accused and replied, “I stated to several persons and to the coroner, that the prisoner shook his head at me that morning.”
The next to testify was another son of the victim 25 year-old James Rigby. He provided further information regarding the land and his father’s dying declaration. “I know the four acres of ground which Donovan held, and my father got it about last Christmas; I was on the ground in last Spring digging potatoes, when the prisoner came up, and holding a little bit of earth in his hand, said, ‘I know that I will be burning in hell, where brimstone will be going through my nose and my belly, and I don’t care as much for my soul as for this bit of clay, and the first of you I catch on my ground I will settle him…’”
James Rigby went on to testify that on the day his father was murdered he saw his father going towards Hanrahan’s field and later “about one or two o’clock” Hanrahan came and told him that his father was at the top of Kilbride. “I ran off and found him lying partly in the ditch, and snorting, he was in very poor state; I asked him was he killed, and he replied ‘I am not killed, but as all as one’; I asked who killed him, and he said ‘Paddy Donovan.’” James Rigby then “threw off” his coat, and ran to the village of Glenmore for the priest, but by the time he returned his father was dead. As he was running for the priest, he met Richard Grace and Denis Lacy; on the path. “Grace asked me what happened.”
At this point the newspaper reported that accused Donovan interjected, “My Lord, if you won’t hang me he will go mad.”
During the cross-examination of James Rigby, he admitted that he had been in jail, “I was in the county gaol about “arguing” with some boys from Kilbrahan; I hit some of them; I cannot tell when it was I was in goal; one night in Ross they put me in gaol.” He denied that his father “turned him out of the house, but I used to go away for work and returned when wanted.” Rigby was apparently questioned about making a statement to John Walsh on the evening of the murder that his father was not able to speak when he found him. James Rigby acknowledged seeing John Walsh, but stated, “my father spoke quite plain when I raised him up; … I never said to any person that my father was not able to speak when I came up to him.”
“Baron Pennefather—When you came up to your father did he seem very much hurt?
Witness—He did.
[Baron Pennefather]—What was the first word you said to him?
[Witness]—I asked him was he killed, and he said ‘I am not, but am all as one;’ I then asked him who killed him, and he said, ‘Paddy Donovan.’
[Baron Pennefather]—Did he speak distinctly?
[Witness]—Not very, but I could swear to those words.”
The next two witnesses were Mary Brophy, of Ballyveria and Edward Hanrahan. Mary Brophy testified that on the day of the murder she went to Stations in Glenmore. She was returning to Ballyveria about dinner time by the pathway when she saw the body of a man lying in the ditch. He was “snorting and lay stretched out; I left him and told Ned Hanrahan, who was ploughing, about the finding of the body.” Edward Hanrahan testified that on the day of the murder at about eight that morning he was plowing and the murder victim came into his field and they had a conversation. Hanrahan observed John Walsh and “another man” come into the field. The victim left and went toward the path and the other two men were about eight perches from the path. “I was afterwards told by Mrs. Brophy that a man was lying stretched, and I went off and found the deceased about three fields off, lying on the other side of the ditch farthest from the path.”
When cross-examined Edward Hanrahan admitted that he told the children of the victim that their father was killed. “When I came up the second time the eldest son had his father in his arms. To Baron Pennefather—When I first saw the body I cannot tell if the man was alive.” He stated that it was Dan [Rigby] (b. 1811) who he saw holding his father in his arms. Hanrahan stated that he knew Donovan, but did not identify him because he did not have “as good an opportunity of seeing the man with Walsh as he [Walsh] came in first.”
The sixth witness was the eye witness John Walsh. He testified that he had lived in Ballyveria for thirty years and he knew the victim Michael Rigby and the accused Patrick Donovan. On the day of the murder, he met Donovan in the village of Ballyveria and they were walking to Glenmore for Stations. “We went by a path towards Glenmore, and the path went by Hanrahan’s field; I saw Hanrahan in the field sowing potatoes; I saw the deceased speaking to Hanrahan, and he then went on the path towards the chapel; I went on a little in advance of the prisoner, and when in Collattin’s field I heard a cry, “Oh don’t Paddy,” and turned round, when I saw Rigby lying on the ground in a corner of the field; I saw the prisoner strike him down on the head with a stone, and then I ran off for fear of my life; the prisoner overtook me some time afterwards, and told me he had thrown Rigby over the ditch; he came with me to the chapel, where we remained a good while; Donovan told me not to swear against him; I left the chapel first, and the prisoner followed me; I came to my own house at Ballyvara, and the prisoner went by the road; the same evening I told my neighbours what occurred.”
On cross-examination Walsh admitted that his brother “had a crop off of one acre of the four acres from which Donovan had been ejected.” In other words, Walsh’s brother was one of the men who alienated or rented part of the property from Donovan. Walsh stated that he was afraid to call out to Hanrahan when he saw Donovan striking the victim. Walsh stated that he was arrested in his own garden, and “told in one day what I knew.” He asserted that he was only arrested because he was with Donovan when the murder took place.
The next two witnesses were Denis Lacey and Richard Grace. Denis Lacey testified that Hanrahan’s house is situated between the Villages of Ballyveria and Glenmore and his own house was close to the pathway. He saw Walsh and Donovan together in the morning and after dinner returning from Glenmore. “James Rigby passed me during the day going for the priest, and he called out aloud to Richard Grace that his father was killed; in about five minutes after this the prisoner came up; I told him that Rigby was struck, and he made no reply.” Richard Grace corroborated that Walsh and Donovan were together in the morning and after dinner “saw the prisoner in Lacey’s house.”
The last two witnesses in the newspaper coverage were Mr. George White, Inspector of Police and Dr. Cummins. White testified that he went to the murder scene and found blood on the ground. He found a stone near the spot with blood and human hair on it. On the night after the murder he arrested Donovan between 11 and 12 o’clock, “at the distance of about two miles from his residence; he was in bed in a barn with two men, and a man who was dressed appeared acting as a sentry.” Dr. Cummins testified that he examined the victim’s body and found twelve wounds and contusions on his head. Two stones were shown to the doctor and he identified that one corresponded with several of the bruises. In his opinion the victim’s death was “produced by these wounds and bruises.” On cross examination he stated that it was possible a man might, “although thus injured, speak some intelligible words.”
“Baron Pennefather charged the jury in a most lucid address, and remarked on the many dreadful crimes that disgraced the country, in connection with the taking of land. The jury, however, were not, because the crime was great, to impute guilt to any individual, unless the evidence established his crimination ‘beyond any rational doubt.’ The learned judge, then, with extreme care, recapitulated the evidence. The jury retired at half past eight o’clock, and at half past ten brought in a verdict of guilty. The foreman said some of the jury wished to recommend the prisoner to mercy. Baron Pennyfather—On what ground? The jury could not assign a reason, and his lordship said he saw no ground for extending mercy. The prisoner, who was rather unmoved, was then taken back to prison.” It is assumed that the entire trial was heard in one day and the jury deliberated from 8:30 to 10:30 that night.
In our next blog we will provide details of the sentencing and Patrick Donovan’s exchange with the judge, as well as personal details concerning Patrick Donovan and Michael Rigby.
Special thanks to Patty Brown and Ann Fitzgerald for sharing their Rigby family research and to all who helped us today in locating some of the 1841 murder related landmarks. Any and all corrections greatly appreciated. Please send any information, corrections, etc. to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
The featured photo above is the old Hogan house in Haggard, Glenmore identified by James “Jimmy Mac” McDonald as the place were Patrick Donovan was arrested on 15 May 1841. The old stone gate pillars are still standing as well as the house behind the trees.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
The 1841 “Savage” Murder in Kilbride, Glenmore
On 11 June 1970 Danny Dowling interviewed James “Jimmy Mac” McDonald (c. 1909-1990) of Ballyfacey, Glenmore. James McDonald provided the following information concerning a murder. Donovan of Ballyveria, Glenmore killed Rigby over two fields which Rigby “had from him.” The two fields involved were the ones opposite Katie Leary’s house and shop on the other side of the road. Donovan had a wife, two sons and a daughter. Before the murder was committed, the parish priest of Glenmore, and a missionary, went to Rigby, and implored him to return the fields to Donovan, but he wouldn’t. On the morning of the killing, Rigby was riding on an ass on his way to the Stations in Glenmore. Dick Young’s grandfather was working in a field and Donovan asked him to kill Rigby, but Young refused. A man named Cathoir was with Donovan when he killed Rigby. He killed him by battering in his head with a stone. Donovan didn’t intend to kill Rigby. All he wanted was to leave him enough life for the priest to attend. Cathoir then said to him that if Donovan didn’t finish him off the two of them would be hanged. Donovan then finished him off.
After the killing, Donovan and his wife fled and hid around the Englishman’s on the Mountain and from there went to Haggard where they were arrested the next day where Hogan’s are now. That night whilst hiding he had his head resting on his wife’s lap he had a vision of his dead mother he said to his wife “here is my mother coming for me.” Cathoir swore against him at the trial, and when it was over Cathoir was never seen again. He had a wife and two sons. The sons later went to America. Jimmy McDonald’s father Patsy was in Peoria, Illinois in his early days and he saw the Cathoir men there. At that time when a man gave evidence for the Crown he was usually shipped away to England or further afield for safety.
James McDonald did not indicate where the murder took place, but Mary Stapleton on 5 March 1980 when providing some Irish field names to Danny stated that “Knockaburdish” was the name of the field that once belonged to Felix Mullins. It was located at the top of the Kilbride hills and it was where “Donovan killed Rigby. The mark of Rigby’s head is still there. It is now owned by Jim Culleton.”
Yesterday, Paschal Roche, of Kilbride, a nephew of Jim Culleton (c. 1922-2012) showed us the field at the top of the Kilbride hills that is now called “Dead Man’s Field.” There in the upper eastern corner of the field is the spot where Rigby was murdered 180 years ago. The Culleton headstone in Glenmore cemetery reveals that Jim Culleton’s grandfather, James Culleton (c. 1845-1912) was born only a few years after the murder. The photo to the right shows the location in Dead Man’s Field where the murder took place. Today, it is not possible to pinpoint how the old path to Glemore proceeded from this point crossing the field or running along the ditches.
Ireland in 1841
From 1821 to 1841 the Census Commissioners concluded that Ireland’s population increased from 6.8 million to 8.2 million. There was an average of 700 people per square mile in Ireland making it the second most populated country in Europe. However, unlike England and Scotland the people living in rural Ireland had shorter life expectancy than the people living in Irish cities. This was discovered by Oscar Wilde’s father, surgeon William Wilde. Wilde examined the record of the deaths of family members who died after 1831 and calculated mortality rates employing records such as hospital returns and cemetery returns. It is thought that the poverty and poor living conditions in rural areas with a sizable proportion of the population living in “mud huts” contributed to the shorter life expectancy (Helene O’Keefe, (2021) “Ireland before the Great Famine” ).
In 1841 Glenmore was not yet a parish. Although the present church in Glenmore Village was built in 1813 it was not until 1846 that Slieverue and Glenmore were divided and the parish of Glenmore was established. The townlands of Ballyfacey, and Ballyveria where both Rigby and Donovan lived in 1841, were on the edge of what would become Glenmore parish. The faithful would walk from these outlying areas in the most direct route to the Chapel in Glenmore by crossing fields and following what were known as mass paths. It was on a mass path in the townland of Kilbride that Rigby was murdered while walking to Stations being held in Glenmore on Friday morning on the 14th of May 1841. Today, Holy Week is generally associated with Stations, but in 1841 Easter Sunday fell on 11 April 1841.
Just eight years earlier the murder in Shanbogh, of Catholic landlord Joseph Leonard, generated vast newspaper coverage and resulted in the men held responsible for his murder being hanged at the place of the murder “near the hill of Glenmore.” It was reported that these hangings were witnessed by thousands from the area. It is likely that the crowd that attended the hangings may have included both Rigby and his killer Donovan.
Contemporary Newspaper Controversy
The Kilkenny Moderator, on Wednesday the 19th of May 1841 (p. 3) published the following account of the murder.
“SAVAGE MURDER. We deeply regret to state that another and a most horribly revolting murder was perpetrated in this County on the morning of Friday last, at Kilbride, within a few miles of Rosbercon. It appears that on the morning stated, as Michael Ribby (sic), of Ballyvarra (sic), was on his way to attend a Station,” which was held in the Chapel of Glenmore, about a mile from his own house, he was overtaken by two men named Patrick Donovan and John Walshe, both residing on the lands of Ballyvarra, who walked beside him for a few yards until they came to a “style.” At this spot Donovan took up a stone with which he knocked down his unsuspecting victim, poor Ribby, and continued to strike him about the head in the most savage manner until life was nearly extinct, inflicting no less than thirteen wounds, beside one on the back of his left hand with which he ineffectually attempted to save his head while vainly crying out for mercy to his relentless assailant.
After the perpetration of this horrid deed we have been assured that Donovan and Walshe both went to the ” Station,” where we suppose they got absolution! The unfortunate Ribby was discovered by his sons a few moments before he expired, and when spoken to by them he merely uttered the words—”I’m not quite killed—it was Donovan did it,” soon after which he breathed his last. He was about 50 years of age and has left a large family to mourn over his untimely fate. The only cause assigned for this foul murder is, that Ribby had been, a few months since, put in possession of about four acres of land from which Donovan had been previously ejected by the Agent, Captain Bunbury, for non-payment of rent. This gentleman, on being informed of the transaction, instantly started for Kilbride, in order to render any assistance in his power for the apprehension of the guilty parties.
Donovan, we understand, is a fellow of notoriously bad character, and has been more than once an inmate of a gaol. An Inquest was subsequently held on the body of the deceased by Thomas Izod , Esq., one of our County Coroners, when a verdict of ” Wilful Murder” was returned by the Jury against Patrick Donovan and John Walsh. We are happy to add that, owing to the active and unceasing exertions of George White, Esq., C.C., and the Constabulary under his command, Donovan (who had absconded,) and Walshe, were both arrested and brought into Ross, while the Inquest was sitting. They have been since transmitted to our County Gaol charged with the offence.”
The Kilkenny Journal, and Leinster Commercial & Literary Advertiser, of Saturday the 22nd of May 1841 (p. 3) provided further details of the inquest and arrests.
“Murder—Coroner’s Inquest—On Saturday, Thomas Izod, Esq., one of the coroners for the county Kilkenny, was called on to proceed to Ballyvera, near Listerlin, in the barony of Ida, to hold an inquest on the body of a farmer named Micheal Rigby, who was murdered at between eight and nine o’clock on the morning of Friday, on his way to the chapel in Glenmore. The finding of the inquest was “wilful murder against Patrick Donovan of Ballyvera, aided and assisted by John Walsh of the same place.” Donovan absconded shortly after committing the murder, and was, during the sitting of the Court, apprehended at Haggart, near Glenmore, by that efficient officer, Sub-inspector White, and the police, whose vigilance and activity were unremitting to bring him to justice. Walsh did not abscond; the deceased had ten or twelve severe cuts on the head, and the scull severely fractured; the ill will towards him was in consequence of his having taken ground which Donovan was dispossessed of; Walsh’s brother was an under-tenant of Donovan’s to part of the land, which in extent, was not more than 4 acres.”
On page 2, of the same edition of the Kilkenny Journal, the editor asserted that there was an “infamous calumny” in the article published by the Kilkenny Moderator on the 19th concerning the murder. Although the meaning of calumny is to make a false, malicious, defamatory statement about a person in order to damage that person’s reputation, the editor was not referring to what was said about the accused Patrick O’Donovan being a fellow of notorious bad character. The editor asserted, ‘If the Catholics of Ireland did not possess a degree of patience allied to servility, they would not permit the insolent conduct of those infamous calumniators who hourly assail their claims to political right, and make the most laborious pains to misrepresent their [Catholics] religious principles.’ The editor was challenging the remark concerning the accused men after the murder attended Stations where it was “supposed” that they obtained absolution for the murder. The editor argued that the purpose of the two accused men to attend the Stations was to avert suspicion. “…[W]e think, very likely, for how could they better avert suspicion than by appearing to comply with their religious duties? –but the other dark insinuation, (concerning receiving absolution) ‘the lying scribe knew in his heart, could not be credited even by the most blinded of his bigoted readers.’” Thus the “savage” murder was not only widely reported in newspapers across Britain and Ireland, but it (or more correctly its reporting in the Kilkenny Moderator) generated controversy and became politicalised because of the remark concerning absolution.
Next Blog: The Murder Trial of Patrick Donovan
In August of 1841 Patrick Donovan stood trial in Kilkenny for the murder of Michael Rigby. Details of the testimony of nine prosecution witnesses provide a fuller account of the murder and provides some personal information about Rigby and Donovan. We shall cover the murder trial in our next blog post.
The featured photo above is one of the panoramic views from the lower ditch of Dead Man’s Field, Kilbride, Glenmore.
Special thanks to Patty Brown for kickstarting this research by providing a newspaper excerpt that provided the date of the murder and the names of Michael Rigby’s wife and children. Also special thanks to Pasqual Roche for taking us yesterday to Dead Man’s Field with its wonderful views of Glenmore.
If there are any corrections, omissions, or readers have further or different information please email glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
The Waterford By-Election 1891
On the 23rd of October 1964 Danny Dowling interviewed and recorded several interesting stories provided by Nicholas Forristal (1888-1979) of the Mill, Graiguenakill, Glenmore. After a little research we were able to verify and expand on the information provided almost 60 years ago by Nicky the Miller. It is believed that the story recorded below by Danny in 1964 concerned Sunday the 13th of December in 1891 during the hotly contested Waterford by-election.
“Nicky said that there was a lot of McCarthyites in Ross. On one occasion they travelled down to Waterford to interrupt a Redmondite meeting which was being held there. On arrival there was a melee and the instruments of their band were all thrown over the bridge into the river when they were carted out of the City. Whilst passing the Mill some of them came into the yard and threw a stone through the window into the kitchen. They were attacked over Glenmore by stones and sods, sticks etc. At the Pink Rock the local men and women did the same and also threw [the contents of their chamber pots] into their wagonettes. They got a terrible fright and never ventured again to Waterford.”
Background
To put this into context, the Irish Parliamentary Party was led by Charles Stewart Parnell (1846-1891). When Parnell became embroiled in a divorce scandal in 1890 he refused to step down as leader. This led to the Irish Parliamentary Party splitting. Justin McCarthy (1830-1912) became leader of the anti-Parnellite group or the Irish National Federation until 1896. Interestingly it was reported in the Munster Express on 31 January 1891 (p. 4) that previously McCarthy had stated that he would not give up their leader [Parnell] for “an inferior and less capable man,” and “in a strange irony of fate” McCarthy became the “inferior and less capable man.”
On 6 October 1891, Parnell died and John Redmond (1856-1918), his supporter and an MP from Wexford, gave up his North Wexford seat to contest the Cork by-election for Parnell’s seat. Redmond lost the Cork bi-election and found himself with no seat. On 29 November 1891, the MP for Waterford City, Richard Power (1856-1891) of the Irish Nationalist Party died at the age of 40. Redmond announced that he would run as an independent for the Waterford seat during the late 1891 by-election. It appeared that Redmond might run un-opposed, but Michael Davitt (1846-1906) on Sunday the 13th of December 1891 officially declared his candidacy. In the terminology employed in 1891, Davitt was a McCarthyite and Redmond a Parnellite.
Sunday 13 December 1891
Redmond was already holding meetings and canvassing when Davitt came to Waterford on Sunday the 13th of December 1891. It was alleged that Davitt was present to seek to end the divisions and support Keane as the candidate to oppose Redmond. It was apparently well known by local people that special trains had been hired to bring McCarthyite supporters to Waterford City to alledgely “intimidate” the Waterford city voters (Waterford Standard, Wed. 16 Dec. 1891, p. 3).
The following account was gleaned from the Freeman’s Journal (14 Dec. 1891, p. 5)
Davitt proceeded to the railway station with supporters, and they walked along the quay quietly. No one interfered with them in any way until they got to the Toll Bridge, which crossed the River Suir. The train station was on the Kilkenny side of the bridge and a Redmondite crowd had already gathered on the Waterford side of the bridge. The crowd groaned and hissed as Davitt and his supporters passed over the bridge to the railway station. Davitt stood at the toll gate, smiling at the hostile demonstration as his supporters marched past, and Davitt then proceeded behind them across the bridge. A small crowd of the Redmondites followed, and they did not do more than indulge in some “harmless chaff,” which was treated with good humoured indifference by Davitt and his followers. The Davitt party arrived at the railway stations at one o’clock. The special train from Carrick did not reach the station until half-past one. A couple of hundred men with a band came down from Carrick and Piltown. At the same time some horse drawn cars arrived with a brass band from New Ross. Another couple hundred arrived from Dungarvan and Kilmacthomas…
It was reported that there were 400 police present in Waterford City in anticipation of trouble. Some police were armed with batons and others with rifles. Although the Freeman’s Journal alleged that the police with batons charged and beat McCarthyites, as they sought to march into the city to a meeting, other newspapers concluded that the police did the best they could to stop the opposing supporters from clashing (Waterford Standard, Wed. 16 Dec. 1891, p. 4). A considerable crowd of Waterford residents, armed with bludgeons, assembled on the Waterford quay to repel the so-called “invaders.” Luckily rain was heavily falling and this caused a lot of people to abandon the quay and seek shelter. As the rain continued Davitt supporters at the train station marched to the bridge and the New Ross band struck up the “Boys of Wexford.” It was reported that the Redmondites joined in the singing of this song that commemorates the 1798 Rebellion.
At the toll gate Davitt insisted that the gate should be opened, and “after a sharp tussle” the gates were forced open and the Davitt supporters marched right into the thick of the Redmond supporters. The Redmond supporters initially moved aside. From the bridge to Gladstone Street, a distance of half of a mile, a steady skirmish continued. About a hundred yards from the bridge, a man rushed forward and struck Davitt on the temple with a stick. Davitt’s face was covered with blood. When they finally reached their committee rooms on Gladstone Street, Davitt announced while holding his handkerchief to his head, “This blow has determined me to stand for Waterford.” John Redmond witnessed the scenes from the windows of the Commins’ Hotel, his party’s headquarters, and when he heard that Davitt was injured he called at the Adelphi Hotel to inquire about Davitt’s condition and express his regret at “the outrage.”
Unfortunately, there is no newspaper account of the New Ross Band’s exit from the city and journey back to New Ross through Glenmore. Nicky the Miller was not quite four years old when the kitchen window in his home was broken and local Parnell supporters clashed with the New Ross McCarthyite band members on their return to New Ross. Undoubtedly, Nicky heard the story from his parents and older siblings.
The Election
In the days following that fateful Sunday, Redmond tirelessly campaigned. It was reported that Davitt did not have many workers within Waterford City and the Catholic Clergy performed most of the canvasing on his behalf. In a local speech reported in the Waterford Standard (16 December 1891, p. 3) Redmond called Davitt a liar for saying that he had come to Waterford to support Keane’s candidature, but after being struck he decided to run himself. Redmond “considered that it would be unreasonable to suppose that a candidate would be deposed in that way without being in anyway consulted.” Redmond went on to accuse a man named Quinn “of buying clothes from a hang-me-down shops in New Ross, in order to enable his staunch supporters to come to Waterford with their sticks…” Newspapers accounts are full of accusations from both sides concerning the class, intelligence, and weaponry of the opposing supporters.
An unnamed political correspondent for the Waterford Standard in his column “Political Jottings,” (Wed. 16, December 1891, p. 4) noted that very few people expected Sunday to pass without much noise, but most people hoped that the disturbance would not reach the length of the riot which occurred on the Quay. “The people in the two crowds looked more like demons that human beings.” He stated that the extent of feeling in the city was best gauged by the fact of Mr. Davitt being assaulted. “The fact that he has lost one arm would in itself be enough to make an assault upon him an act of the coarsest brutality, but when this is coupled with what he has undergone on behalf of these people, whether he was right in his views or not, it should have been sufficient protection with men now that he happens to be opposed to them.” Various newspapers also referenced the riots at Castlecomer during the 1890 Kilkenny elections. Parnell while speaking had lime thrown in his face and Davitt was “giving as good as he got” in fighting with Parnell supporters. Politics was a rough businsess.
In London it was reported that “[t]he Parnellites have been greatly cheered and encouraged by the triumph at Waterford of Mr. Redmond over Mr. Michael Davitt, perhaps the strongest candidate whom the anti-Parnellites could have brought forward. Mr. Redmond’s majority was a decisive one, 546 in a constituency of some 4,000” (The Graphic, 2 Jan. 1892, p. 7). In 1892 Redmond again stood in the General Election for the Waterford City constituency. The Munster Express, (Sat. 2 July 1892, p. 5) reported that Father Flynn, P.P., of Ballybricken, publicly vowed that he would get a man to run against John Redmond. It was reported in the 1892 General Election that “Redmon canvassed Waterford City without a bodyguard of police, while Father Furlong and Father Flynn held indoor meetings at the ‘Carty Club under the protection of a force of fifty police.” Redmond went on to win the 1892 General Election beating David Sheehy, the father of Hannah Sheehy Skeffington.
Glenmore Support for Parnell Continued
“Nicky the Miller” during the same interview also told Danny an interesting story that illustrates the passionate support that Parnell enjoyed among some Glenmore residents after his death.
“For the Parnellite commemorative ceremony in Dublin each year people used to go from Glenmore to attend it. Old Johnny Hanrahan of the Village (1843-1921) used go every year. On one occasion Tom Mullins (c. 1873-1936) of Flemingstown, was with him and on the train on their return journey when it stopped, Johnny went to the window of the train and adderssed the multitude on the platform on the greatness of Parnell. He spoke at great length was thunderously cheered and Tom Mullins later said, “It was as good a speech as I ever heard. No doubt the people thought him to be some M.P. or famous personage.”
The conversation then turned to Old Johnny Hanrahan, and Nicky the Miller revealed that old Johnny Hanrahan was a cooper by trade and the son of Denis Hanrahan (b. 1811) of Powerswood, and his wife Bridget Gaffney (b. 1813) of Glenmore Village. The parish records reveal that the couple were married 6 February 1837 at Glenmore, but we will save the details concerning these Glenmore families to future post.
If there are any errors or omissions please contact glenmore.history@gmail. com. The featured photo is of John Redmond in 1917 (The Irish Times). The photo of Michael Davitt is available at https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Michael_davitt.jpg.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Previous blog posts that provide further information on local politics of the time include;
“Glenmore and Mr. Parnell,” blog post of 17 March 2020.
“Glenmore Land League Split,” blog post of 29 March 2020.
“Glenmore Redmond Volunteers and the Fife & Drum Band,” blog post of 4 Jan. 2020.
Glenmore Castles
On the 23rd of October 1964, Danny Dowling, interviewed and recorded several stories told by “Nicky the Miller” Forristal (1888-1979) of the Mill, Graguenakill, Glenmore. One of the stories of particular interest concerned the Carrigcloney Castle of Glenmore. The following short story is how it was recorded by Danny.
Buried Treasure at Carrigcloney Castle
“Tom Meany a farm labourer who lived in a cabin in Carrigcloney is reported to have got a large hoard of money from the above castle. It appears that a chap from the Co. Carlow who was working in Barry’s of Carrigcloney, dreamt on a number of occasions that there was a hoard of money in a certain spot at the castle. He used to ramble to Meany’s every evening night, and he told him the story of what he had dreamt.”
The two men decided to dig around the castle one night. They went to the spot in the dream and dug, and when they came to flag stone Meany pretended to see a ghost and partly fainted. Both fled and the story goes that as soon as the chap had gone home to bed Meany and his wife went back and got the money. Meany later left the district and took a brick marsh in Gracedieu where he commenced to manufacture bricks. Old Paddy the Weaver (Walsh) of Glenmore Village worked for him in the brickworks there. Meany later bought a public house in Waterford City.”
Although the story does not indicate when the treasure was discovered at the Carrigcloney Castle, a marriage record was located for Thomas Meany (c. 1801-1873) and Bridget Hynes of Carrigcloney. The couple were married on 10 February 1834 at Glenmore. A death record was also located indicating that Thomas Meany, brickmaker, of the Glen, Waterford died on the 4th of July 1873 at the age of 72. His wife Bridget Meany was present at his death.
Tom Meany was dead prior to Nicky the Miller’s birth. This story is similar to the pot of gold that was allegedly hidden in Cappa, Glenmore with a Carlow man dreaming about its location. See our 2020 post Glenmore Gold. Interestingly Barrys are still in Carrigcloney and Hoynes originally from Carrigcloney are still found in Glenmore. We were not able to find any information that linked Tom Meany to ownership of the brick yard or a pub in Waterford.
The Castle/Tower Houses of Glenmore
Generally, speaking the remnants of the building referred to as Carrigcloney Castle is more in keeping with a medieval tower house rather than a castle. A tower house was usually the fortified home of a wealthy landowner and these occupants considered their fortified residence a castle. A tower house was made of stone and usually was four or more stories in height. Originally tower houses were built by the Normans, but some Gaelic families also began to build them.
Tower Houses were built from about 1400 to 1650. One historian reckoned that there were around 2,900 castles across Ireland, and the majority of these were tower houses. “Tower houses came into existence by the early fifteenth century, when a 1429 statute allowed the counties of the Pale to grant £10 to landowners towards their construction” (Colm Donnelly (1996) “Frowning Ruins: The Tower Houses of Medieval Ireland,” 4 (1) History Ireland is available online. )
In attempting to locate information regarding the Carrigcloney Castle references to several other castles or tower houses around Glenmore were found. Most of the known castles or tower houses that were located in Glenmore were near the River Barrow. This was primarily due to the fact that the rivers were the earliest highways and inhabitants tended to settle along the rivers. Further up the River Barrow from Glenmore there is an early 19th century drawing of Castle Annaghs and it provides an example of a tower house that was still inhabited.
[1] The Carrigclooney (sic) Castle was destroyed around 1800. It and a hamlet bearing the same name are near the River Barrow, in the townland of Carrigclooney, in the old civil parish of Kilmakevoge. ( Historic Castles of Kilkenny available online.) Contrary to the information provided on the webpage, Carrigcloney Castle was not totally destroyed. One room of the castle/tower house remains standing today with an impressive vaulted ceiling.
Other Glenmore Castles/Tower Houses
The Historic Castle website list for Glenmore also includes:
[2] Aylwardstown House was built about 1609 in Aylwardstown townland. According to some of Danny’s notes it is believed that the house may be on the site of a previous tower house or have parts of a tower house incorporated into it.
[3] Rochestown Castle once stood in Rochestown townland, in the Civil Parish of Kilcolumb overlooking the River Barrow. It is described as being near the south road of the village.
[4] Forrestalstown Castle which belonged to the Forrestal family once stood in the old civil parish of Ballygurrim. The Forristal family lost their lands under Cromwell and were transplanted to Connaught. This castle was demolished also around 1800.
[5] Mullennahone “sic” Castle once stood in the townland of Mullinahone, in the old civil parish of Kilmakevoge. This castle was “levelled” around 1800. A field called the “Castle field” is described as being a few fields west of the chapel in Glenmore. This is the only known castle/tower house far removed from the River Barrow.
Impact of the 1798 Rebellion?
Nowhere was an explanation provided as to why so many of these castles/tower houses were demolished or destroyed in about 1800. We suspect that the 1798 Rebellion centred predominately in Wexford, on the east side of the River Barrow, may have caused or impacted on the decisions to demolish the Glenmore castles/tower houses. Sometimes taxes caused castles to become derelict. For example, it is said that Blarney Castle and Ross Castles had their roofs removed because of taxes. Carrigcloney Castle currently has a slate roof, but it is not known when it was installed.
To view historical monuments in the area see the National Monuments Service, the Historic Environment Viewer. The Viewer is a free digital service to facilitate access to the National Monument Sites and Monument Record databases available by clicking here. For further reading see, Tadhg O’Keefe, “Halls, ‘Hall-Houses’ and Tower-Houses in Medieval Ireland: Disentangling the Needlessly Entangled” (2013/2014) 27 The Castle Studies Group Journal p. 252 available online via academia.edu.
Special thanks to Neddy and Eileen Aylward for providing access and information on Carrigcloney Castle. The featured photo above is of Carrigcloney Castle taken in June 2021.
The photo on the left depicts a small stone face that is thought to have been found in Glenmore.
If anyone knows of any other castles or tower houses that were located in Glenmore parish, or has further information or corrections, please email glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
One Hundred Years Ago: July 1921
On the 11th of July 1921 a truce was agreed that ended the Irish War of Independence. It is generally acknowledged that both sides thought that the truce would not hold, but it did. The following highlights the local events and news contained in local newspapers 100 years ago. The month of July began with the usual reports of the disruptions to transportation and communication carried out by local I.R.A. volunteers and the impact of the continued marital law that gagged the press, closed fairs, markets and creameries, restricted the use of bicycles as well as the activities of the Crown forces in searching, detaining and forcing civilians to repair damaged infrastructure.
Trenches
Just before the first of July another trench was opened in the Ballyanne road, and a notice posted by the “I.R.A.” warning people not to fill it or they would face a penalty. Further, reports were received that a trench was opened midway between New Ross and Camblin (New Ross Standard, 1 July 1921, p. 4). In Kilkenny the road was blocked between the Rower and Graiguenamanagh with a barricade of stones built across the road (p. 5).
Bridge Destroyed
The big wooden bridge which crosses the Barrow at the Ferry Mountgarrett, about two miles from New Ross, was set on fire in late June. Petrol or paraffin was sprinkled on some of the planks on the Wexford side. The fire was noticed and was put out by an unknown individual before it did serious damage. A number of the wooden planks were blackened and partially charred (New Ross Standard, 1 July 1921, p. 5). On the 3rd of July the bridge was set on fire again. Nearly all of the structure for about 60 feet from the Wexford side to the drawbridge was destroyed. While the bridge was on fire persons going towards it were warned frrm a distance not to attempt to put it out. It was reported that a man from County Wexford arrived at the Kilkenny side with a horse and trap. He did not wish to go back to Graiguenamanagh and round by Carlow to get home, so he whipped his horse and with the flames rising dashed across the burning bridge. He was the last person to cross the bridge; crossings thereafter were done by boat (New Ross Standard, 8 July 1921, p. 5).
Commandeering of Civilians
The military continued to commandeer men. Sometimes these men were taken from their place of employment and town or city and transported to fill trenches. Mr. Gardiner, the Postmaster of Waterford, and his assistant Mr. Rafter were commandeered and taken to Glenmore to fill trenches (Waterford News and Star, 1 July 1921, p. 5). The military rounded up a number of New Ross men to fill a trench that obstructed the road between the mudhouse and the lower part of Camblin (New Ross Standard, 1 July 1921, p. 4) as well as making ten to twelve new men join in the saturation of the New Ross bridge with water as the weather was dry (p. 5). In Thomastown, men, their horses and carts were commandeered by Black and Tans as they brought milk to the creamery. They were compelled to cut up the trees felled on the Coolmore and Ballyduff roads and cart the wood 4 miles to Woodstock. “The men were required to work until six o’clock in the afternoon without food or refreshments” (p. 5). Some Wexford men refused to obey orders in connection with commandeered labour, were taken into custody, arrested and taken under military escort to Waterford to stand trial (Waterford News & Star, 8 July 1921, p. 5).
Wires Cut
No telegraph or telephone messages could be sent from New Ross on the first of July because all wires were cut and damaged in all direction from New Ross (New Ross Standard, 1 July 1921, p. 4). It was several days before service was partially restored.
Mail Raids
On the 25th of June at 2 p.m. a party of ten armed men raided the General Post Office in Waterford city. They took £140 in cash and an undisclosed amount of stamps (Munster Express, 2 July 1921, p. 6). On the evening of the 29th of June masked armed men boarded the mail train at Aylwardstown, Glenmore and took some bags of mails from the “up train.” Male passengers were ordered out of the train onto the platform where they were searched and questioned by the armed men (New Ross Standard, 1 July 1921, p. 4). On the 7th of July, at 1 pm twelve men raided the New Ross post office. It was reported that £1,000 was stolen in the raid, and the payment of the old age pension on Friday was cancelled because there was no money to pay the pensioners. One raider was arrested (New Ross Standard, 15 July 1921, p. 8).
Miscellaneous Activities
Whiskey consigned to Crown forces in the Thomastown district was destroyed at the Thomastown railway station. The newspaper reported that “there was some activity on the part of the forces afterward” (New Ross Standard, 1 July 1921, p. 5).
About a mile from Callen in Coleshall Lower, in County Kilkenny, eight men appeared at the home of Peter Kinsella at 1 a.m. on the 8th of July and dragged his daughter outside and cut off her hair for being with the Black and Tans “all the time.” At gunpoint she was then told to kneel and was forced to swear that she would give them up (New Ross Standard, Fri 15 July 1921, p. 7). The age and name of the daughter was not reported in the newspaper.
The Truce
Irish peace discussions commenced on Monday the fourth of July, and a great crowd waited for hours for news. It was reported that after the peace discussions began the list of events issued by Dublin Castle was the smallest it had been for years with only one attack on the police chronicled. The weekly summary, however, recorded 14 police killed; 20 wounded; 1 military killed, 5 wounded and 25 ambushes were recorded. Readers were reminded that the number of Irishmen interned was still increasing and was now well over 3,000 (Waterford News & Star, 8 July 1921, p. 5). It was not until the 15th of July that a local paper reported on the truce, “All Ireland rejoiced at the intelligence the [Dublin] newspapers contained on Saturday morning that a truce to the unfortunate conditions of affairs in Ireland had been called by Mr. de Valera on the one side and the Crown authorities on the other” (New Ross Standard, Fri. 15 July 1921, p. 4).
It was reported that except in Lurgan, the last shot in the land was fired at 11:55 on Monday the 11th of July at police in Kingscourt. In the twelve hours immediately preceding the truce there were numerous attacks on Crown forces. In accordance with the truce all activities ceased in New Ross and districts at Noon on Monday. On Monday afternoon the military and police carried no firearms when going about. On the succeeding days the military went in processional order through the town to bath in the river, taking bath towels with them. A number of I.R.A. men came into town and moved about freely. On Monday night people moved about the streets until midnight singing patriotic songs. At the churches on Sunday the people were asked to pray for the success of the peace negotiations. Since Monday people could be seen going about on bicycles. During the week people who were afraid to come to town on business came in large numbers (New Ross Standard, Fri. 15 July 1921, p. 7). Within a week it was reported that the martial law restrictions were lifted on motor vehicles and bicycles. The bans on fairs and markets were removed and all creameries ordered closed by the military were allowed to re-open. The ban on the tri-colour flag was lifted in Dublin but was reported as still being in place in Cork, (New Ross Standard, Fri. 22 July 1921, p. 5).
Notwithstanding the fact that press censorship continued (New Ross Standard, 29 July 1921, p. 4) the military allowed the newspapers to report on a demonstration organised and held in New York city by the American Association for Recognition of the Irish Republic. The organisation was formed by de Valera when he previously visited the U.S. It was estimated that 25,000 people participated and it took 2 ½ hours for the procession to pass (New Ross Standard, 29 July 1921, p. 8).
The Rest of the Story
Following up on events we highlighted in previous posts, in July the following items were published:
Three men arrested at the funeral of Nicholas Mullins were released from Woodstock. The released men were John Voss, of Jerpoint; Andrew Walsh, of Kiltorcane, and John Kearns, of Coolmeen (New Ross Standard, 1 July 1921, p. 5). James McKenna and Patrick Luttrel who were convicted in the Waterford military court on the 15th of June 1921 for levying war against the King at Garryricken, near Callan, Co. Kilkenny and being in possession of arms and ammunition, were sentenced to penal servitude for life (New Ross Standard, 1 July 1921, p. 8). For further details see the blog post of 30 May 2021.
In the New Ross Standard of 15 July 1921 (p. 5) the following poem, “To the memory of Jack Hartley, Fifth Battalion I.R.A.” was published. Jack Hartley and Nicholas Mullins were killed in action on 18 June 1921 at the Coolbarn ambush. For further details see the blog post of 20 June 2021.
He’s gone—he’s dead, A noble hero for his country’s bled, A rebel’s grave ever was his doom, But, ah alas! He fills it all too soon. No more his stalwart form we’ll see, Until we meet him in eternity; No more that loving smile we’ll greet, Or hear those tones and accent sweet. But why lament for such as he, Whose early wish to die for thee and Eire? He’s gained and tasted sweet, And gone with glory to his Saviour’s feet. And many a youth will yet lie low, For ideals which from heaven glow, For Faith and Love and Liberty, For thee oh down trodden country. And then at least the light will speed, Which glimmers now in Eastern skies, And by that light we’ll all be free, And shout from hill and vale resound, Of Lliberty—glorious Liberty. M. C. McP.
Other Local Matters
All the local newspapers reported that unemployment was increasing across both Britain and Ireland. In July 1921 it was also reported that the old fishermen had declared that the number of salmon caught in the Barrow and Nore in that season was the largest for any season during the previous 40 to 50 years (New Ross Standard, 1 July 1921, p. 5). Additionally, at a joint meeting of Slieverue and Glenmore branch of the transport union a harvest bonus was agreed. Men over 18 years were to receive £2 10s; men under 18 years to receive £1 10s. The harvest bonus was to be paid before 1 October, or before the threshing. Men who had been in the same employment for at least 12 weeks prior to harvest were entitled to the harvest bonus. A threshing allowance to 3s. was to be given in lieu of drink. The men at threshing would be allowed overtime pay at the rate of 1s. per hour. Casual harvest worker to be paid 7s per day, “with diet” during harvest period; this included binding corn. In consideration of the fact that Glenmore and Slieverue were largely a dairy part of the county, and it was necessary to extend milking periods to as near as possible to twelve hours between each milking, the hours during the harvest period were set at ten hours per days (New Ross Standard, 29 July 1921, p. 8).
Special thanks to Jacqueline Walsh for the photo of the Aylwardstown railway station. The feature photo was published in the Illustrated London News (c) Illustrated New Group on 16 July 1921, p. 4. The caption under the photo provides: “With Camera Instead of Machine Gun and Revolver–Cadets Fraternising with Crowd Outside Dublin Castle.”
Please send any corrections or additional information etc. to glenmore.history@gmail.com.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh
Brother Peter Haberlin, O.F.M. (1845-1934): The Last Franciscan Grey Friar
Last summer Danny Dowling asked me if I could locate information regarding Brother Haberlin, of Rochestown, Glenmore. A death announcement was located in the Munster Express (23 March 1934, p. 8) which revealed that Brother “Peter” Haberlin, a native of Rochestown, South Kilkenny, “the last of the Franciscan Grey Friars who had charge of the mission at Santa Barbara, California,” died at the age of 90. When I told Danny I found “Peter” Haberlin, Danny told me that was not the name of the man.
Marks Haberlin
After further research, Danny was indeed correct. Brother Peter Haberlin was baptized “Marks” Haberlin on 1 June 1845 at Rochestown, the son of John Haberlin and Hanora Laracy. According to Danny the Haberlins were blacksmiths and various generations of Haberlins had forges in Cat’s Rock, Aylwardstown, Rochestown, Rathinure and there was a Laracy forge in Robinstown. Danny noted that Haberlins have been in Rochestown from before the mid-eighteenth century. (Irish scholar John O’Donovan’s mother, Eleanor Haberlin hailed from Rochestown and married his father in 1788.) Danny Dowling recalled that the Laracy’s originated from Slieverue and that is where Brother Haberlin’s parents, John Haberlin, of Rochestown, Glenmore and Catherine Laracy were married on 2 November 1838.
In the pre-famine parish marriage records the fathers’ of the couple were not recorded. At least four children were born to the marriage: [1] Catherine Haberlin, bapt. 8 Jan. 1840; [2] John Haberlin, bapt. 11 March 1842; [3] Marks Haberlin, bapt. 1 June 1845 and [4] Michael Haberlin, bapt. 1849. It is not known when Brother Peter took the name Peter, but the name Marks is found in parish baptismal records going back to the 18th century. For example, a Marks Haberlin was baptized at Rochestown on 2 March 1797 the son of John Haberlin and Mary Forstal.
According to an obituary that appeared in the Santa Barbara newspaper (23 Feb. 1934) Brother Peter Haberlin joined the Franciscans at Santa Barbara, California in January 1870, and was “clothed in the grey habit in 1872.” On census records Brother Haberlin recorded that he emigrated in 1868 (1920 & 1930 Census). New York passenger lists reveal that “Mark” Haberlin entered the US on 28 October 1868 and travelled on a ship named “Nebraska.” Excerpts from various interviews that Brother Peter Haberlin provided have been posted and provide some interesting details of his early years in the US.
Brother Peter Haberlin
According to Brother Haberlin he emigrated to America to work with his brother, John, in California. Both brothers were blacksmiths. While working in his brother’s shop in San Francisco, he met two Franciscans from Cork, Ireland, who had been at the Santa Barbara Mission. Brother Haberlin had been thinking about joining the order. He said that he came from very plain people. He said that he knew he could not become a priest because he did not have sufficient education, but he thought he could serve in other ways as a brother in the order. The two Franciscans encouraged him to join the order. He stated that he was afraid that his brother would discourage him so on the first day of January 1870 he “stole away” to the Franciscan Mission at Santa Barbara.
As a novice he carried water from Mission creek in buckets dangling from a yoke on his shoulders. He also worked as a blacksmith making a lot of the wrought iron work that was used around the Mission and was still present when he died. (Los Angeles Times, 26 Feb. 1934, p. 23). In an interview he admitted that several times during the first few months he was tempted to leave, but old Fr. Sanchez encouraged him to stay. He was told that if he left he would regret it all the rest of his days. As an elderly man looking back Brother Haberlin stated that had he left he would have regretted it.
When Brother Haberlin entered the order, he was a mechanic and blacksmith. As he grew older, he switched to cooking and baking. At various times he also served as porter. One Saturday evening, returning from his garden to the house, he admitted to a colleague that the three hardest things about being a friar were just ahead of him, “A bath, a shave, and Confession.”
Brother Haberlin entered the Mission of Santa Barbara in 1870 and received the grey Franciscan habit in 1872. Thus, he became a member of the Apostolic College of Our Lady of Sorrows which had been founded to accept Franciscan novices to be schooled under Spanish Professors and theologians. Mexico had secularized the mission properties in 1837 with the exception of Mission Santa Barbara. Missionaries no longer came from Spain and Mexico and in time the lack of vocations and death of the aged friars threatened the Franciscan Order in California with extermination. During this period Santa Barbara Mission was isolated and independent of every other convent and province of the order. A small group kept the Santa Barbara Mission open. The Bishops in California needed clergy to care for the spiritual needs of German immigrants. They turned to the Franciscan Province of St. Louis for help. The St. Louis Franciscans had fled to St. Louis to escape the harsh anti-clerical laws of Bismark. In 1885 the remaining Spanish and German friars merged as the Province of the Sacred Heart. The Santa Barbara Mission was finally attached to the Sacred Heart Province of St. Louis in 1885 (Oakland Tribune, 19 May 1965, p. 78).
Brother Haberlin spent over 30 years at the Mission of Santa Barbara. He died at the Mission San Luis Rey (Oceanside, Calif.) on 23 February 1934. He was 88 years of age when he died and had been a friar for 62 years. Brother Haberlin was the last surviving member of the small group that kept the Mission open prior to the merger and his death generated newspaper coverage dubbing him the last “grey friar.”
Brother Haberlin’s Family
Brother Haberlin’s father, John Haberlin died at the age of 87 in Rochestown on 16 November 1887. His widow Honoria Haberlin née Laracy was present when he died. Five months later, Hanoria Haberlin née Laracy died on 6 April 1888 at Graiguenakill, Glenmore at the age of 85. Patrick Walsh was listed as being present when she died, however no relationship was provided. It is not known whether Patrick Walsh was a nephew or son-in-law etc.
It is believed that John Haberlan (1842-1906) went to California and sent for his brother Mark Haberlin. In the 1870 San Francisco census John was 28 years of age and married to Margaret and they had an 8 month old daughter, Anorah Haberlan. Margaret Haberlan née Burke (1845-1899) was a native of County Clare. John and Margaret Haberlan went on to have at least 7 children (5 girls and two boys) including: [1] Anorah F. Gilmartin née Haberlan (1869-1948); [2] Rose Marie Lyons née Haberlan (1871-1959); [3] John Haberlan, Jr. (c. 1873); [4] George Thomas Haberlan (1875-1968); [5] Katty Haberlan (c. 1878); [6] Margaret Haberlan (c. 1880); [7] Alice May Haberlan (1881-1935). (St. Mary’s Cemetery markers).
At some point John Haberlan gave up blacksmithing, became a shipwright for the Harbor Commissioners and moved his family 13 miles from San Francisco to Berkley, Calif. His wife Margaret Theresa Haberlan née Burke died on 11 November 1899. In April 1906 the San Francisco earthquake and resulting fire destroyed 80% of the city and over 3,000 people were killed.
John Haberlan (1842-1906) survived the earthquake but drowned on 11 December 1906 while walking home in a storm. He was living at the family home at 1410 Fifth Street, West Berkley, with his youngest daughter Alice. When he didn’t come home she raised the alarm and his body was not found until the following morning. He had just received a month’s wages and it was thought initially that he met foul play, yet over sixty dollars and a silver watch were found on his person. One newspaper reported that he was drinking heavily, but the others reported that in the heavy rain he fell striking his head and drowned in the storm water which filled the street gutter. John Haberlan was survived by one son and three daughters (Berkley Daily Gazette, 11 Dec. 1906, p. 1 and 12 Dec. 1906, p. 12).
These children of the Great Famine era grew up and emigrated to California, shortly after the American Civil War and began new lives far from Rochestown. They not only witnessed but were involved in California history from the Missions to the San Francisco earthquake.
For anyone attempting to unravel the Haberlin lines, in undated correspondence, Sister Margaret Mary Laughrey, of the Incarnate Word Convent, of San Antonio, Texas noted that her great-grandfather Patrick Haberlin was a brother to John Haberlin (father of Bros. Peter Haberlin). Her grandfather was Thomas Haberlin who married Bridget Murphy and they had 5 girls and 1 boy. One of the daughters of Thomas and Bridget Haberlin, Kate Haberlin, married on 29 August 1905 at Glenmore, Terence Fluskey age 27 of Mile Bush, Rosbercon. The bride was from Forristalstown, Glenmore.
The featured photo above is the chapel of the Santa Barbara Mission taken by Kevin Coles (c) 2009. The photo of Brother Haberlin is courtesy of Eman Bonnic.
Dr. Kathleen Moore Walsh